It is known that, on the night of
October 14-15, 1980, Hoskins killed
Melanie with multiple gunshots, and then,
in the early hours of the 15th, went to TV
station WCPO. He there held up two
newspeople who were returning from a story
and gained access to the building. He then
disarmed the security man, handcuffed him,
and held some dozen people temporarily
hostage with an automatic rifle. He had
brought a considerable collection of guns
and ammunition with him, and he said that
he intended to shoot it out with the
police.
Upon entering the station, he said that
he had an announcement to make, but
instead agreed to videotape an interview.
In this interview with Elaine Green, one
of the reporters he had intercepted
outside the station, he rapidly regained
his calm and talked in his usual easy way.
He complained about the conditions of the
poor generally, about the way in which the
rich set them against one another, and of
the human suffering he daily witnessed
from the bay window of his apartment.
Green remarked on the possibility of doing
a TV story from that window. Hoskins
laughed and said that he didn't expect to
be there to do it, but that she could.
When she inquired why, instead of coming
with a gun, he had not called and asked
them to do a report on his neighborhood,
he smiled and replied,
"You wouldn't have come."
With this he made a slight gesture with
his gun, and the point was clear enough.
If you are not influential, you need a gun
to get your message across on TV. Indeed,
in the first part of the interview he
seemed to be particularly angry at the TV
stations for not giving the poor the
publicity which might eventually lead to
some improvement in their situation. He
had apparently chosen to take over a TV
station for that very reason.
The interview created a sensation when
it was shown in its entirety on local TV,
with segments making the national news
that evening. The idea of Walter Cronkite
talking about Hoskins may have seemed
bizarre, but it was, after all, natural
enough in the circumstances. Hoskins may
even have expected it.
The first part of the interview was
filled with irony. When a photographer
opened the door and started to come in,
Hoskins welcomed him, as if to a social
gathering, then pointed the gun [p.94] at
him and directed him to an empty chair.
"Park it over there." In talking of
prisoners in the city jail and elsewhere
he pointed out the hypocrisy of the
official doctrine that they were being
rehabilitated.
"You can't rehabilitate those people.
They were never habilitated in the first
place."
Then, finally, he referred to a
controversy in which the police department
had asked for more powerful pistols.
Remarking,
"They've got their Magnums
now",
he looked at his own weapon and
finished,
"and I've got my Magnum."
This was said in exactly the tone of
voice he had once used in telling me that
he had just got a racquet-ball racquet. He
was, in those words, challenging the
police to a shoot-out as if it were merely
a game. Then came the second part of the
interview.
Elaine Green asked him if he had
anything else to say, and he did.
"I blew away my girl friend."
Before anything else happened there was
a long pause. Then, when the interview
started again, there was a different
relationship between Hoskins and Green.
She later said that, in the first stages,
she was primarily concerned with the fact
that Hoskins was an obviously dangerous
man who might, at any moment, kill
everyone present. As such, she had
negotiated with him, not giving in on
every point, but trying to conciliate
and calm him. It probably mattered
that she was a woman. In the first place,
it was second nature for Hoskins to try to
get what he wanted from women by charming
them rather than overpowering them. Even
in these circumstances, having to deal
with a woman rather than a man must have
brought out the less violent part of his
nature. Second, there are many men who
would have been humiliated by being
reduced to powerlessness and being
captured in their own home base. Even if
such a man had had too much sense to
actually say anything provocative,
the anger would have been evident to
someone as sensitive as Hoskins. Green,
whatever she may have felt, treated
Hoskins, not as an unwanted intruder, but
as a person with whom an understanding
would have to be reached. [p.95]
Many quite reasonable people might have
inwardly reacted to Hoskins' revelation of
having killed Melanie with the attitude,
"If you have done something as bad as
that, you might as well kill yourself and
get it over with."
Indeed, if someone had said that to
Hoskins, he might have agreed.
Elaine Green took an entirely different
tack. Her attitude seemed to be that
someone who had done something that
terrible must be in the direst emotional
straits, and must therefore need help.
From that point on, it was fairly clear
that she was, not only trying to keep him
from killing anyone else,but also
attempting to steer him away from some
form of suicide. When Hoskins realized
this, he first seemed amused.
This was, in fact, not the first time
that Green had surprised Hoskins with a
reaction he had not expected. During their
earlier negotiations, even before entering
the studio, she had evidently been
forceful enough to cause him to remark,
"You've got balls, lady."
Surely conscious of the irony of saying
that to a woman, he was probably also
somewhat pleased to encounter someone who
was showing enough presence of mind to
make the game interesting. And now, when
he expected to find only people who would
wish him dead as quickly and neatly as
possible, this same person wanted to help
him out of what was designed to be a dead
end situation. Of course, he really did
not want to be diverted away from his
shoot-out with the police into the only
alternative she could have had in mind,
confinement in some psychiatric
institution. When he realized that she was
serious, and he had difficulty in making
her understand that there was no way in
which she could help, he became extremely
forceful.
"You don't understand. I've killed my
girl friend. I have to pay for that."
After the interview ended, Hoskins
withdrew into himself and acted almost as
if the others were not there. This
prompted Green to ask what he intended to
do next, and, sensing indicision, whether
they could leave the building. Hoskins
agreed, stipulating that they move some
furniture around in
such a way as to facilitate his defense
of his position.
Finally, during a telephone
conversation with the police, in which he
must have realized that they would starve
him out instead of rushing him, he shot
himself.
[p.96]
There is no great mystery about Hoskins'
actions once he took over the station. He
clearly preferred death to prison, and,
quite apart from that, his grief over
Melanie's death, and his part in it, may
have been so great that he did not want to
live. After the police made no move to
attack his position, he could have gone
outside to engage them, but saw little
point in it. He had remarked that that
would be too easy, the implication being
that the contest would be too uneven to be
interesting. Then, too, he must have
feared the possibility that he would only
be severely wounded in such a battle, and
eventually be taken alive. The only way to
make sure the job was done properly was to
do it himself.
The events leading to his shooting
Melanie and raiding the station are an
entirely different matter. We do know that
he had talked about taking a TV station a
good many years previously, and that he
had asked questions about this particular
one. Then, too, the ease with which he
carried out his operation suggests that
this particular project had been carefully
thought out in a detailed way. Neither it
nor its execution were the work of someone
merely "reacting to a weird drug", and the
autopsy was hardly required to inform us
that no such drugs were present .
We also know that Hoskins planned to
put such a plan into operation within a
matter of, say, weeks or months. It had
not been very long since he wrote in his
diary that, for the first time in his
life, he no longer felt that he was
getting stronger, and that "preparation
was maximum." On the other hand, there is
reason to think that, as recently as some
thirty hours before he died, Hoskins did
not plan to take the station the next
night. called that evening (Tuesday) to
arrange our wrestling, and suggested
Thursday morning at the Williams Y, but he
pointed out that the children of the women
in the exercise class would be in the
wrestling room on that morning and we
agreed on Friday instead. If he had
planned to be dead by Thursday, he
probably would not have worried himself
about such details. Moreover, both he and
Melanie sounded as cheerful as usual, and
there was absolutely no hint that anything
was in the air.
On one possible account, Hoskins and
Melanie got into a bitter argument over
something entirely unrelated to taking
over the TV station. The dispute led to
his killing Melanie, and Hoskins then
decided to finish out his life according
to a previously established plan. There
was nothing to lose in so doing, and some
sense might be rescued from a senseless
act.
There are several things against this
account. For one thing, Hoskins would not
have needed a gun to kill Melanie. Strong
as she was, her T'ai Ch'i ability would
not have been of much use against hard
blows delivered in the style of either
karate or [p.97] K'ung Fu. Once knocked
down or out, Hoskins could easily and
fairly painlessly have killed her with one
of the choke holds we had often practiced.
If he were sufficiently angry to want to
kill her, there is no reason to think he
would have bothered to go for a gun. When
a normally calm person loses control alto-
gether, there are not likely to be any
unnecessary delays. Since he shot her with
a gun, it is likely that he already had
the gun when the argument started.
Of course, Hoskins and Melanie had
their conflicts. There was that recurring
issue of her straightening up his
apartment, but he could keep her out
whenever he wanted, and he had partly
resolved that issue by breaking her key to
his apartment. More serious, there was the
time when an old woman friend of Hoskins
had spent a weekend in his apartment.
Still, upset though she was, Melanie's
reaction had been to withdraw from him and
immerse herself in other activities. It is
hard to imagine how anything of that sort
could have precipitated the woman
battering so typical of the district, much
less killing. As will be seen later,
Hoskins did have moods in which he wanted
to leave Melanie, but felt that he was
morally committed to her. He had been in
that sort of situation before, but the
upshot had been, not violence against the
woman, but violence turned against
himself. At least one suicide attempt
occurred in such circumstances, and there
is no reason to think that it would have
been any different this time.
Let us instead weave the known facts
together in a different way. The result is
only a story, but, in the circumstances,
we can expect no more.
Hoskins began by staying up past his
usual bed time of ten o'clock. Then, being
a bit overtired, he went into one of his
ordinary rages, very likely when he could
not find something he was looking for.
This would have led to violence against
furniture.
It is necessary here to consider
briefly the art of furniture smashing. It
is not just a reflex, but, as Hoskins
often pointed out, a creative activity.
First comes the feeling of frustrated
passivity. One cannot find t h e Phillips
screwdriver. One tries with an ordinary
one, but succeeds only in gouging the
screw one is trying to remove. One looks
again with no success. One next tries with
a knife. The tip of the blade breaks. As
one's fury mounts, it seems that the
invention of Phillips screws was a
particularly malicious plot meant to
confuse the honest workman and sell more
screwdrivers. Probably just one more
instance of the evil intent of the
military-industrial complex. And there is
not a god-damned thing one can do about
it. One is a helpless victim in the grip
of a hostile environment. Then a ray of
bright light breaks through. One can too
do something. [p.98] One can lift that
m______ f_______r of a bureau over one's
head and, with a mighty effort, smash it
to smithereens. There is, in fact, a
characteristic and wonderfully sickening
sound of plywood panels tearing
apart and legs cracking off.
At such times the smashing of furniture
seems to constitute a remarkably rational
and clear-headed solution t o a nagging
problem. One has been condemned to an
infuriating passivity but, in the space of
a second o r two, one can regain the
initiative. Then, after the act, one looks
down at the splinters and feels that one
has accomplished something. It matter not
if those remains once constituted a
favorite possession.
Probably, that night, the final
stimulus was something that would seem
quite small if we knew about it, but it
must have occurred in critical
circumstances. The gods of violence could
generally be propitiated by the final
demise of some object which had made its
way through the flea market, or perhaps
only by a karate kick at the wall. But
there may come a time when a man wonders
whether he has really solved the problem
of passivity in the face of adversity by
such means. Hoskins just have reached such
a point on that night. It must have seemed
to him that all such stop-gap solutions
were insignificant in comparison to the
one final self-destructive solution which
would put all problems, great and small,
to rest forever.
Whatever it was that caused Hoskins to
decide that this was the night for the TV
station, the great rush of enthusiasm that
must have accompanied that decision would,
like his less harmful passions, have been
difficult to contain once it started to be
translated into action. By the time he got
himself armed and ready to go, Melanie
would have realized what he was going to
do, and would have been willing to attempt
just about anything to prevent him from
leaving.
It is actually much easier to kill than
to shake off someone as formidable as
Melanie. Even though she probably could
not have kept Hoskins from making his way
downstairs, she could have caused a
commotion which would have waked the
neighborhood. He certainly could not have
carried out his plan under those
circumstances. It is possible that he
killed her when it became obvious that she
was going to block his plan, and perhaps
even call the police.
Contrary to this, it would ne nice to
believe that a gun went off accidentially
in a struggle, but Melanie's multiple
wounds hardly allow for that. The most
likely story is that there was a conflict
of wills so strong that there arose a
situation in which it became possible for
Hoskins to do something he would not have
dreamed of in any other circumstances.
In these situations it generally takes
two people, alternately being made angry
and causing anger, to produce the violent
[p.99] result in which the stronger or
more heavily armed one wins. In marital or
quasi-marital cases these disputes seldom
arise out of context with the past, and
are generally continuations of old
arguments which have become increasingly
bitter. Hoskins and Melanie might well
have discussed his plan before. She was
too sensible for anything like that, and
must have attempted to dissuade him. But,
she may also have thought that it was a
necessary fantasy for him, and that he
would never actually carry it out. This
was the reaction many of his friends might
have had if they had heard of the plan.
Hoskins was full of ideas, but a lot of
them were never realized, and, anyhow, he
had never done anything truly crazy.
Whatever she thought, Melanie may have
said some conciliatory things in order to
end what must have seemed to her to be
unnecessary arguments. Hoskins may thus
have had the impression that, when the
time came, Melanie would let him go, or
even go with him. Still, when she saw that
Hoskins was armed and ready to take on the
station, she could have gone into a panic
entirely uncharacteristic of her usual
cool self-possession.
Suppose now that Hoskins had indeed
come to the end of his tether and that he
had decided to take the station and
conduct his final shoot-out. A man at that
stage would positively count on someone
who understood. Someone who tried to stop
him would only make a difficult thing that
much more difficult. At a later stage,
when Elaine Green showed signs of trying
to talk him out of death, Hoskins made it
clear that he would brook no opposition,
and that he was prepared to do whatever he
considered necessary. This attempt to stop
him occurred when it was much too late,
and it involved a stranger who could not
be expected to understand.
By contrast, people are most sensitive
when someone close to them objects and
threatens their resolve. Such a resolve,
even if it occurs in a seemingly impulsive
way, may really have taken years to build
up. It begins as a mere fantasy, perhaps
with wildly unrealistic elements which
incorporate half-forgotten dreams. Then it
hits the person that someone might
actually be able to pull off something
similar. "Just for fun", one starts to
think how it might be done. It becomes a
mental habit to return to the idea now and
then over the course of months and years,
and to work out additional details.
Somewhere in the middle of this it comes
to be implicitly assumed that the person
who will carry out the plan is none other
than oneself. The next stage is to begin
making actual preparations outside of
one's own mind. These are at first
undertaken in the spirit of, "Of course, I
may not want to do it, but it doesn't hurt
to be prepared." Someone like Hoskins may
even think of these preparations as being
the steps a rather sane and prudent man
would take in case it [p.100] became
"necessary" to undertake a radical course
of action. Something rather like buying
insurance or having one's roof reshingled.
But, be that a s it may, if the
preparations are continued long enough,
they gain their own momentum.
One will at some point ask oneself
whether, after all, there is any point in
continuing if one is not going to carry
out the plan. By this time, one has gotten
so involved in these activities that one
does not want to give them up or admit
that one has wasted all that time. Not
only that, one would have to admit to
oneself that one stopped because one was
afraid.
If one has any sense at all, one is
afriad, and it takes a lot of
determination to overcome that fear. Of
all the steps that occur in this process,
the most difficult and sensitive is the
first one that is seen as irreversible. In
the present case, this would probably have
been Hoskins' act of arming himself with
Melanie as a witness. Having done that,
there was probably no stopping afterwards.
Once past the critical point, it is
much easier to keep going, and the
sensitivity of the agent to objections
declines as i h e gains confidence.
However, at the critical moment, even a
quite stable person may react to
opposition in strange ways.
Melanie, well as she knew Hoskins, could
hardly be expected to sympathize. It must
have seemed much more important to save
Hoskins' life than to allow him a weird,
literally self-destructive, freedom of
expression. It is unlikely that anything
she could have said would have stopped him
at that point, but they may have had a
verbal interchange which intensified both
their feelings. When words failed, as they
must have, a person as physical as Melanie
would certainly not have stood idly by.
And, when someone as strong as she
decides, in a desperate mood, to disarm a
man like Hoskins, the result can hardly
fail to be violent.
There is, of course, no way of knowing
how close this story comes to the mark.
But we can still ask why Hoskins
originally decided to end his life with an
attack on a TV station, and how that plan
fitted into a certain larger conception.
It will help to first consult a few
surviving friends, but, ultimately,
whatever answer there is must lie in a
further examination of Hoskins' art.
Chapter 9
[p.101]
The Views of some Friends
Having distributed an
earlier draft of the present work to
some friends of Hoskins for comments, I
went first to Big Ray, whom Hoskins had
considered his closest friend. While Ray
had not met Hoskins until about 1968, he
did have personal experience of the area
around 12th and vine in the fifties, and
of the street gangs who
roamed it.
"They were rough mean nasty
sons of bitches. They would attack old
ladies, other gangs, anyone who was around
at the wrong time. If they got you down,
they would stomp on your head, anything
they could think of. When I knew Jim later
they were still around and, somehow or
other, they all respected him. I don't
know what he did to get that respect, I
don't think he had ever really been a gang
member himself, but it must have been
something. The leader of the worst gang
was _______. Don't print his name or he's
likely to find you and kill you if he's
still alive. There was one rumor that he
was killed in Cleveland, but others that
it was someone else. Anyway, it happened
that he had some artistic ability and Jim
had such an influence over him that he got
him to come to an art school we were going
to at the time."
Hoskins and Ray met in Mt. Adams, the
Cincinnati bohemian community at the time,
when the latter was running the first head
shop in the city there. As one might have
expected with Ray, it was not limited to
drug paraphernalia, and contained all manner
of curiosities. Among other things, he sold
hundred pound aerial bombs from which the
explosive had been removed. Hoskins dropped
in one day to ask Ray to handle
The Naoj,
the little poetry magazine of which he was
the founder and editor. It was in this way
that their long friendship began, and,
shortly after that, they took apartments in
the same building downtown.
At this time Hoskins was turning out work
rapidly, and in a constantly changing way.
One day he would read a book, get an idea,
and produce something. Then, after having
recommended it to his friends, he would,
three days later, have an entirely different
idea. The first would now be forgotten and
dismissed, and he would be at work realizing
the new one. Having read Machiavelli's
Prince
and Hitler's
Mein Kampf, he did
a portrait [p.102] of Hitler, not because he
had any particular sympathy for him, but
because he was interested in exploring as
many different sorts of people as possible.
"He did this, not just with
books, but with living people. He picked
people who made him stretch in different
ways, and, in turn, he stretched them a
whole lot. When you were with him you
could sometimes tell that he was gauging
just how far you could go. He never tried
to push you beyond that point, and you
might not see him for a while if he
waspushing in some direction he didn't
think you could go. Then he'd be back and
things would be real relaxed for a while.
But, every once in a while, he would check
to see if you had changed and could do
something new."
The Naoj was a typical "little
magazine" with the editor and his friends
doing much of the writing. The January 1968
issue has on its cover a somewhat
hermaphroditic bearded figure, swarmed over
by tiny curly-headed children. On his left
arm there is a tatoo of an anchor, while the
protruding nipples are marked "sweet" and
"sour." Then, on the leg, there is a heart
with an arrow through it , pointing to the
groin, under which appears the word "love."
The staff must have had fun thinking up such
things, and the magazine was advertized in a
similarly untrammelled way. This is what led
to a number of street happenings, most of
which were intended to attract publicity for
one or another of Hoskins' many projects.
Included among these was an event where
Hoskins and another artist took turns lying
on the sidewalk and drawing around each
other with chalk. The whole chain of
drawings led to Ray's new downtown store,
and thus gave the person who followed it a
foretaste of what he would find at the end.
Despite a lack of money, Hoskins and Ray
gave many parties on Court St. The wine was
highly adulterated, and, not being able to
buy food, they kept a supply of potato chip
crumbs and dirty paper plates which they
spread around. New arrivals were then told
that they had come too late for the food.
When Hoskins saw someone he did not like
coming up the stairs, the people present
would all start saying "raisins"
simultaneously, giving the impression of a
much larger number of people. Then, when the
visitor knocked, Hoskins would open the door
a crack, straining as if holding it against
the pressure of a crowd. The would-be guest
would go away thinking that the party was so
packed that not a single extra person could
be fitted in. There were generally present
at these parties artists, poets, and writers
of all kinds, in addition to the people who
worked at the [p.103] downtown library. As
later on, almost any sort of person was
welcome, provided only that they were not
dull. Some of these people were close t o
being psychotic, and a good deal of
craziness was tolerated. Hoskins drew the
line only when oneman arrived with a body
guard and began threatening people. He and
his body guard were soon ejected, a fairly
rare occurrence once people were already in.
There was also a steady stream of women
friends, and Hoskins sometimes had different
ones morning, afternoon, and evening. While
there was, as with so many other men at the
time, a tendency to count and keep score,
Hoskins apparently became sufficiently bored
with mere repitition to introduce fantasies
into these relationships, even the
transitory ones.
"Once he had a biker girl who
dressed in a leather jacket and chains.
Jim told her he was a warlock and used
lipstick to draw a pentagon with symbols
on the sheet where she was to lie down.
Then he sprinkled birdseed on her and
began chanting incantations from the kama
sutra. Whenever she came around
after that, he'd reach for the birdseed
and start chanting. Then he did other
things with other girls, but it turned out
more and more that he wanted to experience
as many different things as he could with
them, and he'd go from one to another if
he thought he could learn something new."
As I talked with Ray in the antique shop he
had opened next to his gallery, people
drifted in and wandered about. One woman
wanted some old Jehovah's Witnesses
publications while a young man was
interested in a vicious looking old leather
blackjack which could be used to crush a
knee to suet. Another person wondered about
the giant sized figure of a knight in armor
in front of the store while yet another
spoke about the poster he had seen in front
of the gallery. It was captioned, "Expose
yourself to Art", and showed someone who
looked suspiciously like Hoskins from the
rear, facing a statue and flinging open his
raincoat.
Like Hoskins, Ray was perfectly comfortable
in a chaos of art of all kinds, objects of
every conceivable origin, and the
kaleidoscope of people drawn to such things.
The only certainty was that of an uncertain
future, but, where Ray imposed a minimum
amount of order and stability on his
surroundings, Hoskins had, in the early days
at least, acted as if the changes could not
come fast enough to satisfy him. New ideas
from books and new women were only the
beginning. There was seldom a month when he
did not take up a new artistic technique or
medium, and these included some of his own
invention. [p.104] At the time of our talk
Ray was attempting to get together as much
of Hoskins' work as possible for a show.
This was a formidable task since Hoskins had
left no records of work sold, had given a
lot away, and had destroyed many of his
products. Even so, Ray had collected enough
so that friends who thought they knew
Hoskins' work were surprised to see art, and
even kinds of art, that they had never seen
before.
In addition to the art, Ray had some other
concerns. One was that Hoskins' commitment
to Melanie was not as simple or solid as it
had seemed. At bottom, it was as unnatural
for Hoskins to stay with one woman as it was
for him to stay with one art form. He
thought he had learned what he could from
Melanie, and was ready to move on. In
particular, he wanted to try some new
sorts of women, the wealthy ones who lived
in the suburbs surrounding Milford. He seems
to have had no desire to change his own
style of life or to accept money from the
women he surely would have found if he had
left Melanie. Rather, the idea was that this
was one of the few things he had not
experienced. While he suspected strongly
that the rich had nothing of value to offer,
he wanted to find out for sure.
The only problem was that he could not leave
Melanie the way he had left the others. He
had taken her straight out of a convent, and
she had been with him ever since. She
obviously wanted to continue indefinitely,
and, after much agonizing, he decided to
stay with her. This was the true meaning of
his deciding not to move to Milford. Melanie
had known about the possibility of the move,
but had assumed that she would be sharing
the new house with Hoskins. Thus, when he
renewed his commitment to her, she was
entirely unaware of it. It was also a
commitment to Washington Park, since, apart
from leaving Melanie for other women, he had
no desire to leave.
On learning this, another woman who had
known Hoskins and Melanie commented,
unkindly, "So, instead of leaving her, he
decided he'd stay right there and kill her.
How nice. I love the way men decide that
women are better off dead than left without
them."
This, o f course, is not fair, and was
probably not intended literally. Hoskins
surely did not plan to kill Melanie, nor is
it likely that he thought she would fall
apart if he left her. It was obvious to
their friends that she had more than enough
strength of character to manage on her own,
and, indeed, that she would not be alone
very long unless she wanted to be. He was
not the sort of man to have illusions on
that score.
By this time, a downpour had started
outside, and, as I helped Ray to get his
sidewalk display inside, he brought up
something [p.105] which puzzled him. In the
course of my writing and our discussion,
many things about Hoskins had turned up
which would strike most people in an adverse
way. This not only bothered Ray, but raised
a problem.
"I know there was that negative
side and all that stuff about death.
Anyone who spends his time making
silencers and bombs would have to have it.
But, if that were all, how come everyone
liked him so much? Most of his friends
weren't ordinary people either. Some were
just as strong in their own right, but, if
all the stuff in the newspapers were true,
they wouldn't have respected him the way
they did. Not one of them had anything
against him when he died."
Not knowing how to answer, I left with the
feeling that there was still much to be
explained.
With Steve the atmosphere was different. He
had years ago been lucky enough to find a
beautiful spacious apartment at an
unrealistically low rent. Now, it was about
to be made into a condominium, but he was
enjoying that last bit of luxury while he
still could.
Although we had worked out since Hoskins'
death, I was struck for the first time by
the resemblance between the two. It was not
that they actually
looked so much
alike, but there was the same feel, the same
kind of welcome when one came through the
door. It sounds easy. Everyone should be
glad to see their friends, and should show
it. But few do. So many people have so many
concerns which inhibit
any encounter
with another person.
"Does he or she need anything
from me?"
"Is there any reason to be angry?"
"Will we get along well this time?"
"Should I reveal certain things that are
bothering me?"
"Am I likely to get the advice I want to
hear?"
The person who has any or all of the above
concerns may smile and even joke. But his or
her affability will be limited by a peculiar
look in the eye, a little twist to the
mouth, or a tense and crabbed set to the
shoulders. We are so used to being
approached in this way that it no longer
bothers us on the conscious level. But,
whether we realize it or not, the
absence of those constrictions causes
us to have an immediate and [p.106] profound
sense of relief. A genuine greeting is
comparable to the way in which a good golfer
approaches his golf ball. With a straight
stance, and without any peculiar wiggles or
waggles. And then the swing proceeds
smoothly without any hitches or catches. It
again sounds easy. But, again, it isn't.
This, then, was part of the answer to Ray's
question, but Steve had a related one of his
own.
"In a way I was overwhelmed by
reading about all these things and my own
part in them. And, seeing it all in black
and white, I began to apply my training as
a psychologist. Taking your account in
that light, you would have to say that Jim
was severely depressed. However, but that
isn't true to my memories at all."
Steve, like Ray, wanted the other side of
Hoskins brought out more. The happy side,
the one that applied his considerable
creative imagination to making life more
fun.
I suggested enlarging on such material as
Hoskins' night escapades in the department
store. Steve disagreed.
"I'm afraid that wouldn't work.
We thought those things were funny, but
people reading now, with his hit list in
their minds, would just be confirmed in
their opinion that he was a sicko. It
would look as if he had no sense of guilt
about tearing up all those coats, and I
know from my practice that that's a bad
sign."
It was a conundrum. We both knew that a lot
of things Hoskins did were harmless, and
that they were often great fun. But the more
we told other people about them, the more
sinister they would look. Then Steve smiled
wryly and recalled something I must have
repressed.
"Do you remember some of the
things that he wanted to do that we
ignored or just brushed off? Can you
imagine how we would feel now if we had
gone along with some of those seemingly
harmless little exercises?"
I told Steve of Ray's theory that Hoskins
tested his friends to see how far they would
go. Steve replied,
"He must have found us pretty
limited in that direction."
Unfortunately, these additional facts seemed
to confirm the idea that, the more one said,
the worse one made it look. Nevertheless,
almost everyone who knew Hoskins is ready to
[p.107] swear that this impression is a
misleading one and that, no matter what
facts turn up, he was not a dark disturbed
figure preoccupied with death. Anyhow, not
99 per cent of the time. Even among people
who did not know Hoskins, but who saw the
television interview, the favorite account
is that he was a nice, decent man who
suddenly went crazy, and then regained his
sanity just before he died.
Some philosophical qualification is required
here. It really does not explain much to say
that someone did something
because
he was temporarily or permanently insane,
still less to say that his "craziness" was
what made him do it. To say that someone is
crazy is to assess rather than to explain
his behavior. Such an assessment is often
useful. It implies, for example, that many
of a person's actions may be difficult to
predict, that communication may break down
at times, and that it may be a mistake to
become that person's employer. But, whatever
the practical value of such information, the
attribution of craziness in itself does
nothing to explain why the agent engaged in
one erratic action rather than another, or
why he ever began to act erratically. When
the general public said that Hoskins went
crazy, the legitimate implication is
probably only that his killing of Melanie
seemed grossly out of character with
what was known of his life.
Hoskins' friends sometimes talked that way
too, but meant much more. For them, what it
came down to was that he almost never seemed
morbid or self-destructive, and that he must
have changed in some radical, and probably
temporary, way in order to have killed
Melanie. What remains true is that they
spent all that time with him without feeling
that they had to worry about anything. True,
there were a very few incidents of the other
kind, but they were so infrequent that even
a fairly reasonable person was justified in
dismissing them. Particularly in view of the
fact that most of us knew many other people
who wanted to do things that seemed much
crazier.
One of the calmest people in Hoskins' circle
of acquaintances was Henry. He had known
Hoskins longer than any of us, but there was
a profound difference in temperament between
them. Where Hoskins wanted to put ideas into
practice with maximum enthusiasm right away,
Henry had file cabinets where he stored
ideas. He was always working on some
literary or pedagogical project, and the
others, never forgotten, would eventually
have their turn.
Hoskins had once told me that Henry had no
sense of humor, which was puzzling since
half of what Henry said had a gentle irony
or whimsy to it. When I mentioned to Hoskins
some of the things Henry had said and done,
he laughed outright and said he must have
been wrong. But, really, it was something
deeper. [p.108] Henry reflected on things at
length, and, turning them over in his
writer's mind, was likely, months later, to
describe the most mundane events in
unexpected ways. Thus, even a routine action
might emerge in an existentialist light as a
bizarre and basically ridiculous response to
a problem which, when fully revealed, no one
could take seriously. Hoskins, who was much
more an actor than a writer, wanted to
do
something to create a humorous or ridiculous
situation, and was not content to wait for
things to happen.
When Hoskins discovered that Henry had
bought a house on Washington Park, he was
puzzled, along with the other residents.
Henry had converted the basement into an
office from which he published a small
philosophical journal. Some of the
neighborhood leaders suspected him of trying
to gentrify the area, and could scarcely
believe the truth: that, despite the present
lack of takers, he was patiently waiting for
the day when other small businesses who were
casual about their addresses would take
offices in the considerable remaining space
in the former house of prostitution. Hoskins
was fascinated by the house itself, the
garish red paint on the interior walls, and
the numbers on all the doors. As a former
editor, he was also in sympathy with Henry's
operation in the basement.
No matter how tenous the finances of the
journal, Henry, like an Englishman wearing
his dinner jacket in the jungle, came every
day with a jacket and tie, and sat at his
desk in front of the rather elaborate
communication system he had rented from the
telephone company. The desk itself, with
curved chrome and a rubberized top, was one
of a set of two, refugees from the
glamourous thirties, which he had picked up
second hand. At the other desk was Myrtle,
his former cleaning lady, whom he had
converted into his secretary. A large
good-natured woman, she learned her work
quickly and pleased Henry immensely by
bringing in a goldfish bowl complete with
goldfish. Considering the circulation of the
journal, the office layout and atmosphere
was the mercantile analogue of children
playing house, a fact that was not lost on
Henry. The best part of the joke was that
the journal ultimately succeeded, at which
point it had to be moved from Washington
Park.
When Hoskins was alive and Henry was asked
about him, he would respond in a cordial way
with as much quiet enthusiasm as he
displayed on most subjects. If the
questioner did not already know, Henry would
explain that Hoskins was an artist resident
in Cincinnati for a long time, and that he
had been involved in putting out several
little literary journals. If asked further,
Henry might volunteer that he and another
friend had once bought some of Hoskins work.
It had been at a timen chern. Hoskins was
trying fordin more it a rue, and was
uncharacteristically [p.109] pushing his
work, but it was also clear that the
purchase had had no element of charity. On
the contrary, Henry knew art and considered
Hoskins' work worth buying.
Perhaps more than anyone else, Henry saw
Hoskins as a respectable citizen of a solid
and upstanding sort. That is, a member in
good standing of the Cincinnati art
community. As a poet and playwright who had
supported himself on his writing for a good
many years, he thought of Hoskins simply as
another member of the same loosely knit
group who happened to work mainly with
different materials.
Henry did distinguish, within this group,
between those who were too unreliable to
cooperate with in joint undertakings and
those who could be relied on to do what they
had agreed to do. On this criterion, the
only one Henry really cared about, Hoskins
clearly passed. He had not wanted to be art
editor of Henry's magazine because he did
not want to judge the work of other people.
But he had said so, and he did help with the
printing in order to learn how the press
worked. As far as Henry was concerned, he
was sane, in contrast to all those people
with romantic illusions who promise to do
things they cannot hope to actually bring
off.
As it turned out, nothing deterred Henry
from that opinion of Hoskins. He had worked
long on one of his computer projects on
October I5th, and did not get the news until
late that night when I told him. Upon
hearing it, he showed not the slightest
surprise and asked only a few perfunctory
questions. It was as if he had been told
that Hoskins had taken up watercolors
instead of oils, but felt that it was too
early to guess what the final value of the
product might be.
[p.110] BLANK
The
Development of Hoskins' Art
There were three main artistic and
literary influences on Hoskins: German
Dadaism, the beatnik movement, and the
writings of Norman Spinrad. Let us begin
with the first and oldest, though not
necessarily the first to have its effect
on him.
The movement known as "Dada", though
founded in Zurich in 1917, still has the
excitement of the forbidden for aspiring
artists. It has resisted attempts to
define it, but it has been reputed to be
anarchistic, nihilistic, and, perhaps,
even evil in a mysterious way. That
alone would be enough to recommend it to
the young artists of almost any period.
The young European artists who were
sitting out World War I in Switzerland
were probably bohemians to begin with.
However, the implied charge of cowardice
was not easy to dismiss, even for people
who were convinced that the war was
unnecessary and stupid. There was still
the question of whether they were in
Zurich because of their
pacifism, or whether a fear of fighting
and dying had preceded the pacifism. In
this atmosphere the group grew closer
and became more intense than it would
have otherwise, and poured a tremendous
amount of energy both into the
revolution in art which was underway and
into the further development of a
bohemian lifestyle.
This time there was no direct
connection, via Munich or elsewhere,
between the artists in the Cafe Voltaire
and those in the cafes and bars of
Cincinnati. Still, they had a common
heritage, and there were, at the same
time, in Cincinnati some of those
"disreputable" artists for whom dadaism
later had such appeal. Then, when
dadaism spawned such movements as
surrealism, it was natural for artists
everywhere to take notice. Another of
the offshoots of dadaism was the
Happening, an art form which had
particular vogue in Cincinnati, and
which briefly drew together all sorts of
counter-culturalists. In the early
sixties there was a large scale
happening involving roller skating in
the Union Terminal, a tour of the
never-used subway, and a demolition
derby of fantasically sculptured
automobiles in the disused reservoir in
Eden Park. Somewhat later, a German
gentleman appeared on the stage of
Wilson Auditorium of the University of
Cincinnati, and was permitted to
slaughter a pig in full view of the
audience. He then cut it open, threw the
bloody innards into the crowd, urging
people to toss them back [p.112] and
forth.
In one way it is little short of
amazing that anything so purely dadaist
should have been permitted in a city as
conservative as Cincinnati. On the other
hand, the more conservative the dominant
culture, the less restrained the
counter-culture will be. The latter is
fully capable of bringing off such
events before the elders of the city
have quite realized what has happened.
Whether or not Hoskins was physically
present for the public execution of the
pig, no one could have been there more
enthusiastically in spirit. Moreover, he
had a sustained interest in the history
of dadaism which went well beyond these
picturesque offshoots of it. In
particular, while French dadaism
has claimed much of the attention, it
was in German dadaism, and the closely
related German expressionism, that his
particular interest lay. Although much
of dadaist activity was not of the sort
that could not easily be recorded at a
time when movie cameras and electronic
gadgets were not widely available, there
exists an excellent study of German
dadaism by Rex W. Last. Since this is
the primary book on the subject in the
Cincinnati Public Library, where Hoskins
spent so much time, it is highly
probable that he read it.
It was typical of the dadaists to
work in more than one medium, and none
worked in more than Kurt Schwitters.
While he wrote poetry and fiction, these
came to be integrated into what he
called "Merzkunst." This consisted in
the collection of all kinds of rubbish
and junk, some of it printed matter, and
the modification and reassembly of it.
According to one anecdote, a friend once
found Schwitters outside one evening
grovelling on the ground looking for
something. It turned out that he was
looking for a scrap of blue paper to
slip into one of his collages. Sometimes
the work came out in the form of
sculpture, sometimes collages, and
sometimes a kind of Merz poetry, which
often consisted of the assembly of words
found printed on junk. Indeed, the word
"merz" itself was found when Schwitters
picked up a piece of paper with
"Kommerz-und Privatbank" printed on it.
Before he ever heard of Schwitters,
Hoskins was collecting junk, such as tin
cans, flattening them, inking them up,
and then running them through an etching
press. This transferred the texture of
the object onto damp paper in a way that
would not otherwise have been possible,
and which allowed the junk components to
be subordinated in a work of art to a
greater extent than can be achieved by
simply glueing the components together.
For the dadaists and expressionists,
all this proceeded on the assumption
that "art was no longer possible." What
they meant by that is somewhat obscure
since they immediately produced [p.113]
work that we have no difficulty in
classifying as art. Probably they meant
that they intended to produce work which
either
would not be recognized by the older
generation as art, or would cause their
elders to turn away in horror. For
example, a typical expressionist work is
the statue of a blind beggar by the
German sculptor Barlach, now in
Harvard's Busch-Reisinger Museum. The
beggar's head is twisted upward and
backward so that it resembles the head
of a bird whose neck has been broken.
Underneath there is a deformed and
shrivelled body in kneeling position
which can hardly support the head. The
figure is obviously modelled on someone
very near death, but the hollow eyes and
sadistic smiling mouth also have a
disturbing predatory aspect which makes
the viewer realize that the beggar is as
evil as he is pitiable.
Another of the expressionists, Georg
Grosz, was a fellow student o f
Schwitters at the Dresden Academy of Art
just before World War I. Grosz has the
probable distinction of having more
talent than any artist in all history
for what might be called "the vicious
portrait." His figures are fully
recognizable, but go much deeper than
mere cartoons. There is often an
insect-like or rodent-like character to
them, and the implication is that the
person depicted, while happening to have
come out as a human being, would, in
terms of personality, have been more
suited to the body of the insect or
rodent.
If anything separated the dadaists
from the expressionists, it was that,
while the former also wanted to shock
their audiences, they were willing to do
it in a greater variey of ways,
generally with a joke of some sort in
the background. For example, Schwitters
seems to have worked in a spirit quite
different from that of Grosz. Instead of
having a malicious and deformed outlook
on life, he enjoyed himself while
collecting his junk, and was certainly
only half-serious at times. The anti-art
thatehe substituted forart was in many
ways an excuse doing exactly what he
felt lile doing without having to
apologize to anyone. According to Last,
communication did not appear to be a
primary concern of his, and he often did
not make the effort of reaching out to a
public audience. This was Hoskins at
times, and Schwitters also seems to have
had much the same sort of love of fun
and games. He once wrapped a dirty old
chamber pot in brown paper and carried
it around Paris with him. Then, when
someone showed interest in the package,
he gave it to him and disappeared around
a corner.
There was in Schwitters, as in
Hoskins, a penchant for black humor, and
this is probably what really made him
famous. His short prose piece, "Die
Zwiebel", begins with the narrator
remarking that it was an eventful day on
which he was to be butchered. He then
goes on to explain happily how fine the
[p.114] weather is, that the king is
present, and that there are pretty girls
waiting to clean up the mess he will
make and prepare his innards. The story
has many convolutions, and, at the end,
time is reversed, and the narrator is
unbutchered. It seems that no one had
ever before written enthusiastically
about his own butchering, and the story
had a considerable impact in Germany,
and even beyond. Unfortunately,
Schwitters seldom seemed able to leave
well enough alone. In the present case,
he took a good and striking idea and
went on to reduce its impact by adding
extraneous and irrelevant blind alleys.
This tendency was also evident in much
of his art work, and produced a feeling
of clutter. Of course, that is partly
the occupational hazard of any artist
who picks up casual objects and tries to
unity them into a work of art. Unless he
does it extraordinarily we!l, the
finished product looks only like a pile
of junk all glued together. Much of
Hoskins' work is more convincing than
that of Schwitters. Even his collages
fit together visually, and one never has
the feeling of bits and pieces trailing
off in all directions. On the other
hand, like Schwitters, he had the sort
of irrepressible sense of humor that was
likely at times to compete with purely
aesthetic considerations and produce
something that was a better joke than a
work of art, even in those many dadaist
contexts where a joke is part of the
art.
Quite apart from his art, Schwitters
seems to have been much the same sort of
person as Hoskins. Someone basically
happy and outgoing who thought it was
fun to fool around with all sorts of
perverse things. In fact, in terms of
dadaism, Last characterized Schwitters
as the childish figure of the movement,
who was "unaware of the dangerous forces
he was
meddling with."
In addition to these general
connections between Schwitters and his
ilk on one hand and Hoskins and some of
his friends on the other, there are two
other German artists of the period who
seem to have had a special effect on
Hoskins.
Kathe Kollwitz is generally counted
as a German expressionist, as opposed to
a dadaist, but was really one of a kind.
Hoskins often talked of her and made a
special point of attending a show a t
the Cincinnati Art Museum that included
some of her work. Married to a doctor
with a slum practice in pre-World War I
Berlin, she began by sketching the
people who came to consult her husband.
Since they were exactly the sort of
people who lived near Washington Park,
this may have appealed to Hoskins, but
that was certainly not the main thing.
Many young women, then and now, like
to marry doctors, but most would not be
so thrilled to find themselves living in
a slum apartment. Particularly when they
discovered that their front room had
become a waiting room packed tight with
the poorest [p.115] and the sickest.
Some such women would at least have
distanced themselves psychologically
from the carnage. Kollwitz seems to have
become ever more involved in this
suffering. According to her diary, she
early became convinced that there is
much more pain in the world than
pleasure, or anything which might seem
to balance or justify it. She then set
out simply to record it. The motive
seemed to be not so much to prompt
social change as to satisfy some inner
need of her own. Being a mother herself,
she naturally tended to sketch mothers
and children, but not in the ordinary
way. Most of the children are sick, but
a good many are also malnourished to an
alarming degree. There are some sketches
of newly dead children in the arms of
their grief-stricken mothers. These are
portrayed without any sentimentality
whatever, always in black and white, and
with only the simplest techniques. If
Georg Grosz was the master of the
defamatory portrait, his contemporary,
Kathe Kollwitz, was equally the master
of the graphic depiction of pain, plain
and simple. Moreover, while he used
every insinuating color and glaze, she
could do it with an old lead pencil and
a few lines on a scrap of paper.
After the war broke out in 1914 and
her son was killed in one of the opening
battles, Kollwitz began depicting the
horrors of war. Twenty years later, the
Nazis, who had different ideas about
war, forbade her to exhibit. Again, she
probably was not so much of a political
anti-war advocate (there are late
pictures of her at the time of WW Il
with photographs of relatives in German
uniform on her desk as an artist who
continued to do what she did best.
While Kollwitz really pre-dated both
dadaism and expressionism, her
categorization as the latter is
appropriate in one respect, the one that
probably most appealed to Hoskins. Like
some of her compatriots, she produced an
initial impact on the audience out of
all proportion to that which is usual in
art. No matter how much one may admire
Rembrandt or Hals, their portraits do
not produce the immediate shock that is
likely to occur when one first
encounters Grosz or Kollwitz. This is
not necessarily to say that the latter
are as good, that they reward as close a
study, or that they will be hung in
galleries in three hundred years.
Perhaps they are the outgrowth of a time
when the audience for art is less
attentive and subtle, a time when it has
become necessary to give the viewer a
good jolt before proceeding to more
subtle matters. Hoskins was also used to
an environment where little attention
was paid to art, and he, too, came to
value any art which could make a strong
opening statement and get its foot
wedged in the door. Despite the fact
that he was far removed from the world
of mothers and children, he was
impressed by any artist who could stop
the viewer in his [p.116] tracks the way
Kollwitz could. Her work also has the
sort of subtlety that does not
disappoint the viewer who stops to
look, but other artists have that.
It is not her subtlety that gives
Kollwitz a special place in the history
of art.
Hoskins attempted this sort of thing
at times, sometimes with a good measure
of success. He was not one of those very
few who can pick up a pencil and
intuitively produce something
electrifying in thirty seconds or so.
But he did have a clear idea of what he
wanted and the technical ability to
produce it. There is one aluminum
sculpture of the head of a prize-fighter
which succeeds in much the way that the
work of Kollwitz and Barlach does. The
face of a handsome man distorted by a
displaced squashed nose and swollen
lips, it suggests powerfully that the
devastation of the features has
accompanied a comparable mental
disfigurement. Like Kollwitz' drawings,
it is a direct rendering of physical
suffering, overpoworing in its apparent
simplicity, a simplicity which
disappears when one attempts to do the
same thing oneself.
The really remarkable thing is that
someone who did so little conventional
sculpture could have produced something
so good. And, then, having done it,
would not be sufficiently excited to
continue. The statue was dumped in a
corner amid the other clutter and given
a far lower status than the old air
rifles. Worst of all, it was not even
pointed out in the Tour of the
Apartment. Thus, while any other artist
would have based a whole series of work
on such a success, not to mention taking
it to the galleries, Hoskins forgot
about it and went on to other projects.
Part of the reason may have been his
system of categories. There was, for
example, metal work. This included, not
only aluminum statuary, but the aluminum
propellor for his air-boat and all sorts
of other gadgetry. These were important
to him, and his success with the statue
may have convinced him that he was in a
position to attempt a propellor. This,
too, had a kind of beauty, and, while it
was totally unlike any of Kollwitz'
work, he did regard her depiction of
suffering as only one kind of artistic
expression among many.
Hoskins followed the usual dadaist
pattern of producing, not just
paintings, but sculpture, collages,
found art of various kinds, and poetry.
Like many artists, he seems to have
begun with portraits, and his earliest
ones are highly realistic with a mastery
of detail surprisingly good for a
beginner. He then experimented with
impressionist techniques and painted a
lovely airy side view of an early
mistress sitting in a chair. Later on,
he produced some abstract works with
muted colors and softly outlined shapes.
These are in the mainstream of modern
American art, and, were widely admired.
Despite that, it did [p.117] not take
him long to dismiss them with contempt.
A good deal of this work survived only
by virtue of Melanie's protective
custody.
The abstract paintings then gave way to
very small and delicate drawings
and collages. This work was almost
entirely non-representational, and
highly personal. As with much of
Schwitters' work, it often seemed not to
be particularly communicative, and
comprised material from all sorts of
sources which had meaning for Hoskins.
For all that, it was interesting, if
rather mysterious, and did not look out
of place in galleries. It was surprising
only that such delicate work could be
produced by such a large seemingly
indelicate man. In the context of what
later happened, not to mention those
dadaist and expressionist influences,
this direction of artistic development
is paradoxical. An artist who wishes to
achieve impact with a strong opening
statement could hardly do worse than to
produce work which is progressively
smaller, more delicate, and whose
meaning is ever more obscure. Like many
artists before him, Hoskins evidently
became increasingly interested in
working out certain internal problems
that arose in the course of his work. He
then found himself addressing, not the
general public, but the much smaller
group which understands such things.
Thus, even though he continued to the
end with this sort of work, it evidently
left other needs unsatisfied, needs
which required other kinds of art.
There was one kind of work which does
not belong either with the collages, the
sculptures, nor the abstract paintings,
but which h e continued to produce, at
least sporadically, over a long period
of time. This consists in the making of
leather masks. A number of artists have
made masks, and a few are on display in
the world's great museums. While mask
making has been, on the whole, a rather
unexploited art form, it is not hard to
see why Hoskins was drawn to it. On the
most obvious level, he apparently
thought of himself as living one sort of
life which was masked by another. That
was played up by the press, and, if the
journalists had known about the masks,
they probably would have had something
to say there too. However, Hoskins' idea
was much more general than that. He was
delighted when a friend told him that
his psychiatrist had once compared him
to a gorilla with a clown's mask. He
even promised to make a clown's mask
suitable for a gorilla. Hoskins had also
read Irving Goffman, who at least flirts
with the idea that everyone always
figuratively wears a mask, changing
masks for different occasions.
Even though masks have been a
minority art form, they are connected
with something that has much wider
currency in the history of art. The
mask, by its nature, hides something,
and it [p.118] trades, not only on what
can be seen, but on what one supposes to
be behind it. Many artists have put
half-concealed secrets into their work
with great effect. The 17th century
Dutch landscape painters, particularly
Hobbema and Ruisdael, often had a tunnel
of foliage through which the viewer
looks until he can just make out a
detail, perhaps a small figure, which
catches the light. That figure, provided
it is noticed at all, is more
interesting than it would have been in
the foreground. Moreover, it becomes a
subject for speculation. This phenomenon
is to be found persistently, e v e n in
the work of much later painters such as
Corot. Then, with impressionism, cubism,
and other forms of modern art, the
tendency was, not to half-hide the
subject behind a bush, but to merely
suggest it with a few strokes, or with
some fragmented or distorted
representation. If one masks with a
mask, as opposed to one of these other
techniques, one makes the person behind
the mask, or the person who is imagined
behind it, part of a work o f art that
changes from one wearer or imagined
wearer to another. This fact, while not
acceptable to many more traditional
artists, who want their work to be
self-enclosed and complete, was entirely
congenial to Hoskins.
If masking and secrets have been of
crucial importance in art, it is only
because much of the excitement in human
experience can be traced to those
elements. Probably the primeval game,
far supassing other children's games in
importance, is hide-and-seek. Basically
it is a life and death game. The seeker
seeks in order to kill the one who is
hiding. Children know that, but adults
gradually convince them that the game is
harmless, at which point they lose
interest in it. This first secret of
one's hiding place then gives rise to
many others which one dares the world to
uncover.
Hoskins was always offering people
new games, often with their own secrets,
and he often talked about making masks
for his friends to try on. It was not
always clear quite what he had in mind.
While he did think of masks as artwork,
sometimes of an abstract kind, he also
admired some of the quasi-human masks
used in the film "Star Wars." Then,
again, it sometimes sounded as if he was
making masks that could actually be worn
as disguises.
While there is more than a suggestion of
pretending to be somone else in this,
there is a large gap between harmless
pretences and those which involve a
hopelessly divided personality, or which
lead to violence. We could get away with
much more than we usually do along those
lines without getting into trouble. It
would do most corporation lawyers a
world of good to spend a couple of
weekends in Washington Park, pretending
to be winos. It might be a problem if
the lawyer began to prefer [p.119]
Washington Park to his own environment,
or got radically confused about his own
identity, but, short of that, he would
learn more than he could have in most
other ways. Hoskins remarked favorably
on a friend who had done something like
that, and he seems to have done some
experimenting of this sort himself. He
once recounted a late-night incident in
which he had put on an animal mask of a
wolf-like sort, pulled his hat down to
cover part of it, and taken a turn
around Washington Park. He had then
sidled up to a couple of winos to ask
them for "money for a plate of soup",
and had been pleased at their alarmed
responses when they caught a glimpse of
his face.
Whatever pretenses one makes, if one
makes them consciously in order to learn
about oneself and others, one is in a
position vastly superior to that of
persons who cannot help making
pretenses. In the latter case one is
only a pompous bore, but, in the former,
one can have some of the excitement of
the player of hide-and-seek who is
waiting to see whether he will be found.
Most of the masks Hoskins made have
disappeared. What remain are some pieces
that he also called masks, but which
have no openings, and which are much too
small to actually be worn. As with the
collages, he seems to have become
increasingly concerned with abstract
problems which arose in the course of
mask making, and to have ended up
producing "minimal" masks which have few
features. They could be thought of in
many ways, for example as shrunken heads
with
contracted features, and he may have
had some such interpretation in mind.
However, as he got further and further
from
recognizable human features, he seems
to have been attempting to generalize
the notion of a mask to the point where
even inaminate objects could be thought
of as having masks. Once, significantly,
in a show of his masks he included an
exhibit marked "The Umbrella Unmasked."
This consisted of an umbrella hanging
from the wall while, next to it, hung
its cover.
It is clear that the masks had more
to do with the series of happenings that
culminated in the raid on WCPO-TV than,
say, the collages and the paintings.
However abstract they became, they were
bound up with his notion of a double
life, not to mention a life of mystery.
Unfortunately for our purposes, he kept
that part of the mystery so well that it
is now impossible to reconstruct the
connection in any detail.
Much less mysterious in its
implications is yet another strain which
stands in contrast to the "conceptual"
art, and which consists in work that is
frankly angry and violent. It is to that
strain that the head of the fighter
belongs. It not only depicts violence,
but, like the work of the
expressionists, is itself a violent
assault on the feelings of the viewer.
In point of time, [p.120] the fighter
seems to stand about midway in the
sequence of "violent art" that Hoskins
produced, a sequence that ended with the
station takeover. While beginnings of
such things are hard to isolate, his
early poetry is full of every sort of
violence, much of it sexual. As art it
does not seem to represent a
particularly important stage in his
development. He wrote poetry only for a
short time, never wrote a great deal,
and, in my hearing, never once mentioned
having written it. In fact, he seems to
have founded and written for, his poetry
magazine as something of an experiment.
In the course of it he produced some
good lines and powerful images, but
whole poems seldom held together very
well. Undoubtedly he could have done
something with poetry if he had worked
at it over the years, but he instead
went off in other directions.
Suffice it to say that there are two
main ideas that keep occurring in
Hoskins' poetry. The first is that
politicians are not to be trusted. He
continually shows contempt for them in a
language which sounds like the political
language of the sixties. However, he
also dismisses radicals and
revolutionaries in much the same, often
obscene, terms. He is thus revealed, not
as a reformer, but as one who stands
completely outside the political process
and rejects all parts of it
indiscriminately.
The other over-riding theme is that
the mass of the people have
brought their misery on themselves
through their unchecked material vanity
and greed. Once one reaches the point of
complaining about and rejecting
something that the mass of people
accept, one ends up in an odd position.
Hardly anyone in our society, and
certainly not Hoskins, likes being an
elitist who claims to be on a higher
plane than all those others who are
subject to some pervasive weakness or
illusion. However, if Hoskins meant
literally everything he said in his
poetry, he was claiming to be one of the
few who were free of greed.
This implied superiority is also
implicit in the stance of almost any
bohemian artist. He must believe that
his work is worth doing, and that it
would be valued by people of taste. But
he also knows that there is little or no
market for it. The masses who do not
want his work must therefore lack taste.
In an analogous way, any political or
social revolutionary ends up in much the
same uncomfortable position. No matter
how hard he may want to identify with
the working (or sub-working) class, he
is likely to conclude that the members
of that class are kept in a subservient,
or even brutalized, state, in large part
by their own attitudes. ven though
Hoskins was not political in any narrow
sense, he believed thoroughly that the
solution of many problems lay in the
voluntary acceptance of poverty. And, of
course, there was almost no one in his
[p.121] neighborhood who really agreed
with that proposition.
While Hoskins had never had much
money, it was obvious to anyone that he
could have had it if he had wanted it.
This put him in an awkward position when
he was speaking to people who never had
had a chance to be anything but poor.
People who did not think poverty was
something to be embraced. He was not the
sort to stand on the bandstand at
Washington Park and tell these people
that they were being stupid to attach so
much value to what they could not have,
but it did make its way into his poetry.
The people who most nearly shared
this problem were another set of
avowedly apolitical bohemians, the
beatniks. One of the best and most vivid
pictures of them comes from Lawrence
Lipton's book, The Holy Barbarians.
Himself a somewhat older poet, he
recalls a community of young bohemians
in which he lived in Venice, California
in the fifties. Most of them were
interested in combining poetry with jazz
in various ways, and in making that
combination the centerpiece of a new way
of life. Drugs were also an important
part of it, and these ranged from peyote
and marijuana to opium and heroin, often
in combination with alcohol. Still, the
harder drugs were regarded with
suspicion, and LSD came only with the
hippies, who were a later extension of
the beatniks. As with other bohemians,
the acceptance of poverty was one of the
most important bonds of the community.
Lipton quotes beat poet Kenneth Rexroth,
who knew other forms of life, as saying
that, having adjusted to poverty, he was
able to eat better, drink better, and
live better than his friends who had a
great deal more money.
Lipton had been a bohemian long
enough to compare the beatniks to the
bohemians of the twenties, when he was a
young man. Of the latter, he says that
they expropriated what they wanted from
the rich. This amounted to their
independence, their ability to ignore
the conventions and sin with impunity,
and their access to the arts. The rest,
and particularly the problems connected
with the production and ownership of
material goods, they were willing to let
go. Of course, the young bohemians were
happy to take in the lovely young
daughters of the rich, and even an
occasional unfulfilled but attractive
wife, but they were not expected to
bring money with them. Like their
descendents, the beatniks, they were
apolitical and thought that the
communists of Russia had made a mistake
in taking from the rich what was least
valuable, their money and possessions.
Lipton goes on to point out, however,
that the young bohemians of the twenties
often had expensive, if rather
bizarre,tastes which, in the end,
tripped them up and destroyed their
lifestyle. In this respect the beatniks
were more consistent and [p.122]
thoroughgoing. If they came into a
little money they did not blow it in the
best restaurant in town, and they really
did not want expensive clothes. Poverty,
after all, did not constrain the art
that the beatniks wanted to practise.
And, whether they were also painters,
sculptors, or dancers, they all
participated in those nocturnal sessions
with pot, jazz, and the reading of
poetry. Everyone kept sketchbooks in
which they drew each other, wrote their
poetry, and engaged in every variety of
speculation . Mor e or less free sex
went without saying. The ordinary
excitement that accompanies it was
heightened for the beatniks by the fact
that they could, at any moment, be
arrested, not only for drug possession,
but on such charges as fornication and
adultery.
A good deal of this was comparable,
not only to the twenties, but to dadaism
and even older forms of bohemianism.
Certainly, there was nothing new about
poetry, poverty, art, and free love. On
the other hand, jazz (and the consequent
association with black musicians) and
drugs did make a difference. These
elements produced a community which was
tighter, more isolated, and which was
regarded with even more hostility than
other bohemian communities. There was a
lot of real hate on both sides.
Among other things, the beatniks
developed a way of talking which, once
almost secret, has long since entered
the larger language. In reading Lipton
it is easy to flinch when one comes upon
dialogue such as
"Like, I don't want to bug
you man . "
a n d
"Like, that's the scene, man
...."
This is because the only people who
talk that way now are either slimeballs
on probation for writing bad checks, or
are the last tired remnants of youth
cults whose only common ground with the
beatniks consists in the use of drugs.
But that sort of language was once
fresh, and it reflected a group of
people who
felt, often literally, that they were
so trapped in a materialistic and
stifling society that life was
worthwhile only underground. No extremes
of poverty deterred them, and suicide
was often the only alternative. Many
dadaists had felt much the same way
about the utterly conservative life of
the French and German middle classes,
but they lived in societies which a t
least pretended to respect art, music,
and literature. The bohemians in Venice
West were dealing with a society which
not only resisted innovation in art, but
which largely rejected the very [p.123]
idea of poetry in favor of tail fins.
Hoskins came upon the beatniks as
they were flowing into the hippie
movement (and harder drugs) in San
Francisco. He had, in fact, already done
some of the same things in Cincinnati in
association with Ray and others. His
acceptance of poverty, his notions of
free love, and his unconventional art
had all predated his stay in San
Francisco, though they may have been
reinforced there. He had even served his
poetical apprenticeship with The
Naoj. On the other hand, we have
seen that he wrote poetry only for a
fairly short time, and it was probably,
even then, less important to him than to
the beatniks. Hoskins also had
relatively little interest in jazz, or
in the combination of jazz and poetry
that so fascinated Lipton. Thus, he
could never have been counted as a
beatnik, despite a similar outlook. In
the end, there is really only one thing
that he learned from them, but that is
crucial.
In Cincinnati it is difficult for any
person, or any group of persons, to be
truly alienated. No matter how
different, or even crazy, one's
ideology, one will have a whole series
of friends and acquaintances who
represent many different things.
Membership in the Y alone guarantees
that, but so does involvement in almost
any activity. A great many of the people
one meets will be eminently sane and
civilized, and they will not display
hostility unless goaded. It is not
possible for anyone who has any hold on
reality to imagine that they are all
linked in some nefarious plot to destroy
the value of life.
This is not true of the great cities
of the West Coast. Partly because of
their greater size, but mostly for a
number of other reasons, it is possible
to set up isolated communities, running
to the thousands, which have almost no
contact with the outside world. This is
particularly true of San Francisco.
There is now a gay community so
self-sufficient that its members can go
to gay grocers, dentists, and lawyers.
They can even go to church or die
without ever meeting a heterosexual
minister, priest, or embalmer. This has
been true, to a high degree, of the
various other groups that have had their
day in San Francisco, including the
beatniks and hippies.
It also happened that many of the
leading figures in the beatnik movement
were Jewish nonconformists from the east
who had had a major falling out with
their families, their religion, and
their whole tradition. Some were old
enough to remember the more virulent
forms of American anti-Semitism, and,
having left, or been thrown out of,
their own group, they felt doubly
isolated. Add to that the normal
hostility of the public to bohemians and
a police force trying to enforce the
drug laws, and you have good beginnings
for a case of alienation. The
crowning blow, however, was
the fact that many [p.124] of the
beatniks hardly saw anyone outside their
own community in a social, or even a
casual, way. If the outside world is
once allowed to appear as a giant
monolithic force bent on crushing one's
own community, the isolation will
prevent one from ever learning
otherwise. It is then a short step to
attributing unpleasant and threatening
characteristics to almost everyone in
the outside world.
As bohemians, the beatniks were
atypical in this respect. Most bohemians
in most places and times have had a good
deal of contact with a great variety of
people. As one example, the contrast
between beatniks and more traditional
bohemians is nowhere so marked as with
their differing attitudes toward the
rich.
Traditional bohemians, because of
their involvement in art, are more
likely to have some contact with
extremely wealthy people than are most
members o f the middle classes. Indeed,
there is a time-honored stance that
bohemians have taken toward the rich,
and it combines, in one proportion or
another, amusement, contempt, and
toleration. Whatever else the bohemian
may feel about the rich, he does not
generally fear them, nor does he hate
them. On the contrary, he very much
wants them to be there. Not only do they
support the arts, but they give away, or
throw away, all manner of objects which
the bohemian can put to good use. For
example, he does not want a new tuxedo
because it symbolizes a kind of life
which he thinks is silly. But he is
delighted if he can pull a used tuxedo
out of a trash can. It now constitutes a
wonderful piece of camp , and he can
wear it to amuse his friends. The true
bohemian looks upon himself as a
scavenger. A community in which there
are rich people makes for much better
pickings than would be found in the
alleys and thrift stores of, say,
Leningrad or Poznan.
A vivid illustration of this
principle once occurred in a discussion
between two young women, one a bohemian
and the other a committed socialist. The
latter was objecting to the fact that
some rich people owned a good deal of
land adjacent which would be turned over
to the school for a much needed
playground. For this woman, the very
existence of rich people was an affront.
She wanted, above all else, to take away
their possessions and divide them up
among the masses. The young bohemian
took the opposite position. In a society
where even the poor have TV sets, most
of the people already have much more
than they need anyway. Their lives would
not be improved by the addition of
baubles taken from the rich. More
important, this woman much preferred to
live in a world in which there are
beautiful mansions owned by the rich
than one in which they [p.125] have been
turned into ugly playgrounds for the
children of the middle classes. She,
like most bohemians, perceived
socialists as people who want to
eliminate the two interesting classes,
the upper and lower, and create a world
of unrelieved middle-class boredom.
Like other bohemians, the beatniks
saw their main enemies as those
middle-class people who build white
suburbs with no museums, no concert
halls, no interesting cheap restaurants,
and no theatres. But they were just
unbalanced enough to wonder whether all
outsiders, including the rich, were not
in league against them. They lost sight
of the fact that the rich were also
unwelcome in those same suburbs.
Moreover, while the beatniks were expert
scavengers, they seem not to have
felt the traditional amused
superiority toward the people who threw
away the objects they collected .
The beatnik attitude toward the rich
did not make them political, much less
socialist. They wanted wealth even less
than the bohemians of the twenties, and
the idea of dispossessing the rich never
even occurred to them. But there were
occasional displays of anger toward the
rich. Unlike previous bohemians, they
did not have that minimal contact with
the wealthy, and did not sell them art.
Then, too, they lived in a society in
which there was much more pressure to
"succeed" and acquire wealth for
themselves than was the case, say, in
Paris of the nineties. It is harder to
be comfortably contemptuous of the rich
when one was brought up to believe that
only they can be happy. The upshot was
that, if one caught a beatnik in one of
those occasional bursts of anger, one
might have mistaken him for a political
person. This was true of Hoskins as
well, and it goes some way to explain
the "political" aspects of his message
on TV.
Before Hoskins set out for San
Francisco, he may have had a touch of
paranoia, but it was nothing compared to
that of the beatniks. However, from
hearing him talk about his San Francisco
days, it was clear that he had been
affected to the point where he had, in
some moods, come to think of himself as
being in fundamental opposition to
society from the top to the bottom.
The beatniks were intellectuals in
essence, and were as harmless as most of
those in universities. Hoskins, however,
was much more a man of action. In San
Francisco he met, not only latter-day
beatniks, but other men of action.
Around the edges of the beatnik and
hippie communities were some extremely
intense people in the martial arts. Some
were Oriental masters, and some were
overheated Americans, but they all
preferred violence to poetry. The line,
however, was fine. In judo, for example,
one is supposed to grip the jacket of
the other only [p.126] lightly. Some of
the best practitioners operate with such
speed and delicacy that one would think
there was hardly any force involved
until one sees the other man hit the m a
t so hard that he bounces. Since there
is also room for invention and
expression, it is easy to think of judo,
and the other martial arts, as "true
art". This explains the fact that, in
San Francisco and elsewhere, there has
been a certain amount of contact
between poets, painters, and martial
artists. On the other hand, if a similar
sensibility is involved, the motivation
may be different. For example, one
of Hoskins' workout partners left
suddenly to become a mercenary soldier
in Africa.
The continued contact with
beatnik-hippies who had a distorted view
of the outside world and
beatnik-oriented mystic martial artists
who wanted to kill someone seems to have
upset Hoskins' own natural balance to
the point where he got ideas which
probably would not have occurred to him
in Cincinnati. Even then, these
terrorist ideas and plans would probably
have dissipated when he returned to
Cincinnati if they had not become part
of his notion of art.
Hoskins' own way of bridging whatever
gap there was between the martial arts
and the traditional arts involved, among
other things, the making of beautiful
weapons. Theseincluded many knives, a
couple of swords, and a kendo stick.
Practice with them amounted to a kind of
ballet, but a ballet which was really a
rehearsal for something else. Since
there was already a continuum ranging
from the poetry of the beatniks to the
weapon-less martial arts, such as judo,
karate, and aikido, it was easy to
extend that continuum a bit further to
include weapons. Further, even the
violent use of weapons could be seen as
an art, almost as much as sculpture or
poetry. It could be violent art turned
against oneself, as in the Japanese
ceremony of seppuku, or the
elimination of others with maximum grace
and economy. By the time Hoskins
returned to Cincinnati, he found it
possible to practise violent art at the
same time that he was producing those
delicate collages.
Hoskins was not the only violent
artist in history, nor was violence
limited to dadaists, German
expressionists, and beat artists. Such
elements are to be found, not only in
what is portrayed in art and literature,
but in the motivation of many artists
and writers. Joseph Conrad, in an
author's note to a collection of
stories, remarked that he was
considerably abused for publishing
"Freya of the Seven Isles" on the ground
of its cruelty.
"I remember one letter from a man
in America who was quite furiously
angry. He told me with curses and
imprecations that I had no right to
write such an abominable thing which,
he [p.127] said, had gratuitously and
intolerably harrowed his feelings. It
was a very interesting letter to read.
Impressive too. I carried it for some
days in my pocket."
This sort of thing is not so
surprising when one considers that
artists have the same agressive
instincts as other people. Irritation at
the rest of the world is surely part of
the essence of life, and an artist has
some rather powerful weapons which he
can use, generally without even getting
into trouble. Conrad, while
systematically destroying the characters
he had led his readers to identify with,
probably chuckled to himself as he
imagined the effect he was producing.
Hoskins certainly had his share of
aggressive tendencies behind the
pleasant facade, and his brief forays
into sculpture and poetry were
apparently not sufficient to satisfy
them. The aura of violence crept into
much of his work in a number of media,
but, unlike the figure of the fighter,
which was intensely realistic, there was
also an increasing air of unreality.
While this last is hard to describe,
it is helpful to compare it to the
unreality of science fiction movies
which contain whole worlds full of
strange beings exploding violently in
brilliant unfamiliar colors. Such
visions may prompt the viewer to wonder
whether he is really standing on solid
ground, and, more basically, whether the
little world of earthlings, or anything
in it, really makes any important
difference in the infinitely larger
scheme of things.
There was something else in Hoskins'
environment, in Cincinati as well as San
Francisco, which reinforced any movement
in the direction of unreality. It would
be no exaggeration to say that
ninety-five per cent of bohemian artists
believe in ghosts, astrology,
extra-sensory perception, and a good
deal else. Of course, such beliefs are
almost as wide-spread in the present
generation of, say, college youth.
In one instance, two psychology
classes were presented with a stage
magician who performed tricks of the
"mental" sort. In one class he was
introduced as someone who believed
himself to have special powers. In the
second merely as a graduate student and
amateur magician who performed standard
tricks and wanted to brush up his act.
Almost as large a majority of the
students in the second class as in the
first attributed special powers to the
magician, powers he did not even claim
for himself. The conclusion seems to be
that the fanciful and the supernatural
are so much a part of ordinary
"experience" for so many young people
that they are ready to see such things
almost anywhere, regardless of contrary
evidence.
There are two important differences
in this respect between college students
and bohemian artists. For students, such
beliefs [p.128] are often part of a fad,
and they are frequently given up after
graduation. If a young man or woman gets
a job with IBM, it is unlikely that the
office manager wants to be asked what
his birth sign is. On the other hand,
bohemians almost never work for IBM.
They thus encourage each other in the
opposite direction, gaining more layers
of belief a s they go along.
The other difference concerns
religion. Most college students claim to
have a religion and to have a belief in
God, no matter how vague it may be. The
occult world is then tacked on to some
set of religious beliefs without any
concern for logical consistency. Still,
the exotic beliefs, whether they come
from contemporary science fiction or
ancient superstition, are held in check
by fairly orthodox religious beliefs.
These may actually be just as fanciful,
but everyone is used to them, and they
do not seem as extraordinary.
Bohemians tend to regard religion,
and even God, as middle-class creations.
One of them, when considering the
conversion of a disused church into a
studio, quipped,
"Of course, we'll have to
de-sanctify it and get in a priest in
to chase God out."
It is, for many of them, a short step from
there to chasing God out of whole realms
of society, and particularly out of art.
This having been done, the way is clear
for almost any new invention, whether it
comes from oriental philosophy, an intense
drug experience, or artistic creation.
Hoskins, with his orientation toward
science and technology, was much less
subject to these influences than most of
his friends and acquaintances. Still, no
one could have lived in his circle
without being acutely conscious of
beliefs in the supernatural. This
atmosphere probably had some effect on
his art, and it is quite possible that
his collages contained supernatural
symbolism. Apart from all else, it is
quite easy to imagine his taking
artistic advantage of things that he did
not really believe in. Indeed, a
bohemian artist who did not share the
beliefs of his milieu would have to make
some accommodation to them in order to
communicate with anyone.
Sometimes the unreality was of a
different and less literal kind. Bizarre
feelings, moral notions or social
practices in unlikely combinations. For
example, the grotesque and suicidal
dolls combined notions of traditional
childhood with kinds of self
destructiveness and blackness of soul
which most people would hardly expect in
children. There is such a thing as
juvenile suicide, but the concept that
Hoskins produced requires almost as much
an abandonment of ordinary common sense
attitudes as that required by the notion
of inter-galactic travel. [p.129]At
least in those who know nothing about
disturbed children. Even the idea of
capturing time on television sounds a
little like the suggestion of one of
Conrad's characters in The Secret
Agent that one could, by blowing
up the Greenwich Observatory, blow up
the first meridian, and thereby destroy
the faith of the British middle class in
science. The fact that Hoskins' scheme
actually worked makes it seem less
fantastic than it really was. Even then,
it was probably more realistic than many
of his other ideas.
The last phase of Hoskins' violent
art, while partly motivated by attitudes
he may have acquired from the beatnicks,
was too wild in its content to have been
in spired by them. Similarly, with one
exception, it was too uninhibited to
have come fromthe dadaists or
expressionists. That exception is the
German dadaist poet, Hugo Ball.
Hoskins really became enthusiastic
about the dadaists only after he
returned from San Francisco. It was in
connection with an interest in
architecture sometime in the
mid-seventies that he came across
Schwitters' concept of a Merzbau,
or living space constructed entirely out
of found objects artistically
integrated. Since the idea of building
one's own dwelling out of clutter and
junk to suit one's tastes appealed to
him greatly, he was led to explore the
other ideas of the dadaists, and came
eventually to Ball. Although Hoskins was
no longer writing poetry by this time,
he was still capable of being profoundly
affected by it. Towards the end,
however, there seems to have been no
poet other than Ball who got through to
Hoskins strongly enough to make him
alter his own course.
On the surface, no one could have
been more different. Sickly as a child
and adult, Ball grew up kissing the
picture of the Sistine Madonna at the
foot of his bed, and went through life
depending, first on his mother, and then
on a wife who took her place.
Unfortunately for Ball, his extremely
strong religious tendency was paired
with an even stronger hatred for that
same brand of German Catholicism. He
seems to have hated himself for his lack
of independence and, not being able to
achieve it, put the blame instead on his
religion. He characterized it as
feminine, and it seemed to Ball to have
robbed him of the traditional masculine
virtues. Many would not have viewed
Catholicism in this way, but Ball's own
religious practice was somewhat
idiosyncratic. After all, an excessive
tendency to kiss the Madonna is not
likely to help a boy shoulder his way in
amongst the tough kids on the vacant
lot. Whatever its origin, Ball's
struggle against religion kept him
perpetually on the edge of a nervous
breakdown until, toward the end of his
life, he reconverted to the religion
which he had so detested.
Despite all these differences, the
thing that connects some of [p.140]
Hoskins' art, and a good deal of his
thinking, with Ball's sort of dadaism
can be illustrated with a typical stanza
from the latter's poetry:
This is the time when the Behemoth
raises his nose above the salty
tide.
The people jump from burning boats
into green slime, glowing beneath the
fire.
In German these rough, powerful, and
threatening images are even stronger:
Das ist die Zeit, in der der
Behemoth
Die Nase hubt aus den gasalzenen
Fluten.
Die Menschen springen von den
brennenden Schuten
in grunen Schlamm, den Feuer uberloht.
Whether or not Hoskins actually read
this poem, it is the sort of thing that
would have appealed to him. For one
thing, the images might easily have come
from those science-fiction movies he
liked so well. For another, the
implicitly violent picture of a sea
monster about to devour people jumping
from
burning boats into a poisonous green slime
had just the sort of impact that he so
often looked for.
Sometimes Ball went beyond concrete
images to achieve that impact. In his
long anti-Catholic phase he liked
nothing better than to portray the
Virgin Mary as a prostitute and, not
content with that, he seemed also to
attribute to her the seeds of almost
every perversion which later arose in
Christianity. In describing the birth of
Christ, Ball attempts to make every
detail both grotesque and ugly. For
example, he describes the mother's labor
cries as ripping her teeth from her
jaws, but, in return, bringing
forth a shower of ill-gotten gold.
Lines and ideas such as these are
most likely to occur to an ex-Catholic,
but the tone of Ball's work, while
repelling a good many people, appealed
to Hoskins. He was not put off by either
the brutality or the inherent wildness,
particularly when he saw that harsh ugly
ideas and images were capable of
overwhelming the platitudes that most
people live with.
Below the surface, there is a
considerable similarity between Ball, a
largely unknown poet and writer even in
his native country, and Hoskins, a
similarly obscure artist in Cincinnati.
Of course, there are the violent images
in the work of each, and the fact of
each occasionally being on the brink of
suicide. But the most important
similarity is the fact that each man
conducted a lifelong and ultimately
unsuccessful revolt against something
that he had been brought up in, and
which had [p.131] penetrated deep into
his spirit.
Even in his most anti-religious
periods, Ball talked in religious terms,
and his violence was of a Catholic kind.
Hoskins was not affected in that way by
any religion, but just as deep in his
culture was the idea that man is born to
fight. The fighting had to be physical,
and it could be conducted with guns,
knives, or fists, but, best of all, with
guns. Life must therefore be highly
competitive, but it is necessary that
even the winners ultimately die by
gunshot when faced with overwhelming
odds.
It may seem odd to compare an
attitude such as this, apparently
fragmentary and individualistic, with
one of the world's major religions. Such
an objection would rest on a
misunderstanding of both. As regards the
religion, Roman Catholics the world over
may, in theory, subscribe to the same
doctrines. But that is only a small part
of the story. The feelings, the derived
beliefs, and even the behavior of Roman
Catholics all vary greatly from place to
place and from time to time. In fact,
Ball's German Catholicism was probably
quite different from even the
Catholicism of German Catholic
Cincinnati. Moreover, for all we know,
it might have been the kind of thing
which would have had a strong effect on
Hoskins (or anyone else) if he had
encountered it.
On the other side, the particular
code of masculinity which eventually
helped bring about Hoskins' death looms
larger and more widely than many people
realize. It is obviously part of life in
the southern mountains with their famous
feuds, and this kind of ethos has been
ably described by Tom Wolfe in his
accounts of the race driver Junior
Johnson and the (West Virginia) test
pilot Chuck Yeager. Moreover, in the way
that the very language of Appalachia
reflects something much older, so do its
customs and its notions of manhood.
One can find ideas of this sort in
English literature going right back to Beowulf,
but some of the most vivid
manifestations are in the Norse sagas,
that other great spawning ground for
masculine romanticism in both the
English and German traditions. While the
sagas are full of battles, attention is
directed most especially to single
combats. Here the accidental factors are
minimized. While they are not usually
arranged duels in the later European
sense, they are almost always
prompted by the need for a man to
take revenge in order to preserve his
honor. They are, in fact, almost exactly
like such feuds as those between the
Hatfields and the McCoys, not to mention
what goes on now in Cocke County,
Tennessee and Harlan County, Kentucky.
As in Appalachia, the cycle of
violent death and retribution in the
sagas is accompanied by a good deal of
earthy humor. A sort of joke which keeps
recurring is prompted when one [p.132]
warrior cuts off the leg of another with
an axe. When the second looks down in
shock and disbelief to see his leg
missing, the victor laughs loudly and
remarks,
"It's as you think. It's
off."
Not, perhaps, the sort of humor
current in suburban breakfast nooks and
recreation areas, but one which Hoskins
would have understood
Also familiar to both Ball and
Hoskins would be certain recurring
images and events. When Skarp-Hedin
Njalsson wishes to pick a fight with
another man, he suggests that the latter
remove from his moustache the hairs from
the posterior of the mare with whom he
has just been in intimate contact.
Again, when he goes sliding across a
frozen stream and strikes an enemy in
the back of the head with his axe, the
blow is described as being so powerful
as to knock the victim's teeth out of
his jaws onto the ice. This cycle of
murder and revenge did take its toll,
and, in Iceland, the warriors so
decimated each other that most present
Icelanders are descended largely from
the Scottish and Irish slaves (who were
beneath the requirements of honor). This
basic pattern of self-destructiveness is
also noticeable in certain Appalachian
communities.
The place of honor in the sagas tends
to go to a special kind of single
combat: that where a great hero fights
all his enemies singlehandedly, and is
eventually killed. The idea seems to be
that a hero who fights his enemies only
one at a time is never fully tested and
extended to the utmost. Death should
take place under circumstances which
allow him to claim the position of the
greatest warrior of his time. The
greatest hero of the Icelandic sagas,
Gunnar of Hlidarend, is killed in this
fashion when the heroine refuses to help
him by allowing him to cut off her
beautiful hair for a new bow-string.
While, so far as is known, Hoskins was
not acquainted with the sagas, he
clearly had in mind a death comparable
to that of Gunnar.
It c a n thus be seen that the
traditions to which Ball and Hoskins
respectively belonged are comparable
with respect to their antiquity, and
that the secular one could easily play a
role comparable to that of a religion in
the minds of its adherents.
In any culture there are some who
simply reject such ideas and go happily
about their business. At the other
extreme are those who internalize the
values and beliefs of their culture.
Ball probably had relatives such as that
in the priesthood, and some of the
Hatfields and McCoys undoubtedly died
happily with bullets in their brains.
The most unfortunate people are those
caught half-way between. The ones who
strive mightily to achieve the goals
they cannot but hate.
[p.133]
No one who knew Hoskins perceived
him as upholding the ideology of the
southern mountains any more than Ball's
friends (over most of his life) would
have seen him as a proponent of
Catholicism. Hoskins spent the vast
majority of his time trying to replace
competition with independent parallel
development. He made friends by the
dozens where an antagonistic man would
have made enemies. He tried to avoid
challenging and confronting people with
as much energy as Ball spent on
prostituting the Virgin. He tried to
show in every way possible that there is
an independent kind of masculinity which
consists of individual private
accomplishment, and which need not lead
to the vanquishing of others.
Such a struggle produces basic
conflicts and moments of deep
depression. Ball did not attempt to hide
them. Hoskins did. The jokes, the
friendliness, and the air of intelligent
reasonableness were all part of an
attempt to put a pleasant face on a
quite different, and quite difficult,
reality. Only on rare occasions did
anything else show through, as in the
smashing of furniture and art. When he
tried to hide the true meaning of even
these episodes, Hoskins probably paid
too great a price in order to maintain
his emotional independence and avoid
confiding in others. It is quite
possible that it was Ball's inability to
hide these self-doubts that enabled him
to hold out many more years before
retreating to the faith of his
ancestors.
In addition to this life parallel,
which was probably accidental, there was
also a definite artistic influence of
Ball on Hoskins. Ball would often write
quite disconnected poetry with some
lines and phrases included merely for
sound. But, then, there would be exotic
images and fantasies. In "The Sun" the
poet imagines himself stretched out on
the ground with his boots resting on the
horizon and his eyes narrowed to distort
the world. It then seems to him that the
sun, whose "wisps flash vermilion into
the world's night", may fall and crush
the town and church towers. As the poem
continues, the whole is transformed into
an artistic happening in which the sun
will be loaded onto a wagon and
taken to Caspari's art gallery. A
beast-headed negro
"with bulging neck, bladder nose
and a long stride
will hold fifty white
bucking asses like those yoked to
wagons at the
building of pyramids.
A crowd of bloodbright people
will clot the
street:
midwives and wetnurses,
invalids in wheel chairs, a
stilting crane,
two female St. Vitus dancers,
a man with a ribbed silk tie and
a [p.134]
red-smelling policeman."
What happens over and over again,
with both Ball and Hoskins, is a quick
and effortless transition from violent
ideas and images to an artistic
spectacle with humorous overtones. All
this then gives rise to euphoria, a
state of mind which makes almost
anything possible. Ball's poem ends with
the poet remarking that he is full of
joy and cannot stop. He wants to make a
new sun by striking two together like
cymbals, at which point he will fly off
with his lady in a violet sedan.
Recently, when I gave this poem to a
poet and critic who had never heard of
Hugo Ball, he read it through and
remarked,
"This man is completely crazy, isn't
he?"
The man had no way of knowing how right
he was, but his reaction seems
indicative of something significant
about Ball and his effect on Hoskins. It
is not just the fact of Ball imagining
himself to be a stretched-out giant with
his boots resting on the horizon, or his
making a new sun. Many sane poets have
permitted themselves flights of fancy
such as that. It is something much more
subtle, having to do with the way that
ideas and images are developed and run
together. Something that adds up to the
conclusion that the poet is not just
developing fancies but is quite possibly
describing the world he sees in
literal terms.
It has been argued against people
like Ball that they are essentially
destructive, and have little to offer in
the way of hope. This complaint is an
old one, but it has little foundation.
Pessimism may happen to be true, and it
is nothing against it to point out that
it is, indeed, pessimistic. There may be
many reasons for pointing out impending
catastrophes, even if one has oneself no
plan for avoiding them. Quite apart from
practical consequences, to reject this
sort of thinking because it is
depressing is to blind oneself to a good
deal that is most valuable in art.
In view of these facts, it is odd
that this criticism weighed so heavily
on Ball. He reported later that, when he
began the dadaist movement by reciting
his poetry at the Cafe Voltaire in 1917,
he was in such a state of near emotional
collapse that he could scarcely
continue. Evidently he had such a
fervent need to believe the things he
had been taught as a child that the
nihilistic tendencies he found in
himself terified him.
Hoskins, o n the other hand, took
naturally to nihilism. All dadaists
thought that art is partly a joke. This
includes even Ball, as can be seen from
some of his "sound poetry." For Ball,
however, it was a frightening, and
ultimately horrible, joke. [p.135]
Hoskins, by the time he encountered
dadaism, had already concluded that art
was, at best, a good joke, and he was
pleased to find others who agreed with
him. Then, since there was obviously
nothing worth doing beyond art, apart
from those abdominal exercises, there
really was not much to be lost by
devoting one's life to the joke. The
fact that a movement in art (or anything
else) led nowhere was a sort of
recommendation for Hoskins. As we will
see in the next chapter, he believed
that there was nowhere to go, at least
nowhere that anyone would want to be.
[p.136] BLANK
The
Final Straw: Norman Spinrad
In addition to his TV interview,
Hoskins left another message, more
ambiguous and considerably less public,
but just as forceful in its own way.
After he killed Melanie, he arranged her
carefully with her arms folded over her
stomach, and he placed a book in her
hand. If Hoskins had been a more
ordinary sort of terrorist, the book
would have been a treatise of a
political nature. Indeed, when the
police reported only the title, "Agent
of Chaos", one might have supposed as
much. It is, in fact, a science fiction
novel by Norman Spinrad, one of the few
authors of fiction Hoskins seems to have
read seriously.
When asked, Hoskins would most often
say that he did not read fiction
at all. This was something of a puzzle.
He may have been self-educated, but he
had educated himself in every other
direction, including poetry and moies.
Moreover, in all the time he spent
at the library, he must have passed by
the large collection of fiction on the
ground floor thousands of times in
search of those beloved facts of his.
The implication seemed to be that he did
not have time for any fantasies other
than his own. It is thus worth asking
why he broke his general rule to read
Spinrad, and why this particular novel
was singled out for this gesture.
Part of the answer lies in certain
peculiarities of Spinrad as a writer. Of
obvious ability, he can sometimes create
believable and rather fascinating
characters, and he has written some good
books. At other times, he seems not to
bother, being content with characters
who do not come alive. In any case, his
books circulate mostly on news-stands,
and even the best ones are hard to find
in libraries and bookstores. In addition
to working out the technical details
which are so much a part of science
fiction, Spinrad seems to be much more
interested in his own visions of social
organization than in individual
character. These visions are on such a
large scale as to transcend anything
that could be called politics. While
there are references to various sorts of
utopia, not to mention futuristic
anti-utopias, Spinrad is neither an
enthusiastic dreamer nor a biting
satirist. There is an arm's length
quality to much of his writing which
suggests that he is more interested in
these visions themselves than in
connecting them with any program of
social change. Indeed, it is quite easy
to lose track of the real world
altogether when reading Spinrad.
[p.138]
Someone who was more used to fiction
might have tired of his writings.
However, someone who reads more for
ideas, both technological and abstract,
than for the excitement of character
development might find almost all of
Spinrad's work congenial. Apparently it
was so with Hoskins. Each book has some
entral concept which is both novel and
striking, and the feeling of being
slightly adrift without even the comfort
of recognizable human nature probably
would not have bothered that particular
reader. After all, some of his own work
had that same dizzying quality.
Whatever the motivation, anyone who
knew Hoskins well, and later read
Spinrad, would realize that Hoskins had
read a good many of the former's books,
and often referred to them in a veiled
way. I can remember, for example, one
rather esoteric discussion about the
role of premises in logic. It puzzled me
atthe time. Then, when he later, in
front of Steve, referred humorously to
the obscurity of my views on the
subject, I really wondered what he was
on to. It was not like him to have
random interests that were not connected
with one of his projects, but he gave no
hint of the context for this one. It was
only after his death, when I read
Spinrad's The Solarians, that I
realized that the discussion came right
out of a passage in that book.
One idea that runs through a good
deal of Spinrad's work concerns the
possibility of a society which is, in
large part, controlled by computers. In
The Solarians thereis a
non-human species called the Duglaari
who once had an absolute dictator who
attempted to give himself a certain sort
of immortality. He did this by storing
in a huge computer a master program
which governed almost every aspect of
the life of all citizens, and which
reflected only his own values and ideas.
Then, in order to enforce this code and
make whatever decisions were left over,
the machine itself chose from among all
candidates, rulers who resembled this
first ruler as closely as possible. In
addition, all breeding was controlled in
order to make everyone conform to the
template of the original ruler, and this
had the consequence of making all
citizens highly mechanistic. Moreover,
the largest grouping of humans, who are
involved in a losing war of attrition
with the Duglaari, find that, in order
to compete at all, they have to make
themselves as much like the Duglaari as
possible.
This idea of a society becoming ever
more tightly controlled until everything
anyone does conforms to a
pre-established program is advanced only
as fiction, and pertains to a future
world imagined by the author. On the
other hand, since it comes up repeatedly
in different books, and in different
contexts, it is easy to see how it might
feed certain sorts of paranoia. A
[p.139] modest amount of "paranoia" is
normal among normal people in the
Washington Park area. They know that
they do not have control over a great
many things that affect them, and the
residents there are as powerless as any
in the city. One does not have to be
unbalanced in order to wonder what
unpleasant surprises the city may have
in store for one, and to believe that
all the so-called "planning commissions"
may well have interests alien to one's
own.
An outside observer may see the
treatment of the poor, not as a plot,
still less a computerized one, but
simply as a result of the fact that
society is run by affluent people who
have no personal concern for the poor.
Naturally, they allocate most resources
to the projects in which they do have a
special interest. On the other hand,
many people are quick to attribute their
own poor treatment to hostility rather
than to neglect. There is more dignity
in having enemies than in being too
unimportant to be noticed.
If one starts with a healthy
suspicion of the more prosperous
elements of society, and is then put in
a position to watch the poor being
gradually pushed out by local government
and business acting in concert, it would
not be terribly unreasonable to conclude
that the society as a whole is becoming
ever more tightly organized and
controlled. This is the sort of picture
Spinrad keeps painting, and it probably
had some influence on Hoskins. He
certainly did not believe that we are
presently all under the control of some
great machine, nor did he think that the
whole city government was uniformly
opposed to the poor. He believed, for
example, that his cousin by marriage, a
conservative city council member, had a
genuine concern for the plight of the
poor. Still, he was pessimistic about
the long-range future and may have
accepted Spinrad's implicit predictions
about the next century.
In The Solarians, the
Duglaari are neither merciful nor
especially merciless when they have
conquered a previously human solar
system. Efficiency prevails, and they
quickly crowd all the humans, whom they
consider vermin, into a small
reservation. The humans then kill each
other off in competition for whatever
small amount of food and water there may
happen to be. There is here a
recognizable analogy to the treatment of
the urban poor on the part of the middle
class, and Hoskins particularly noted in
his interview that the residents of his
district were deliberately crowded and
set against each other. It is quite
possible that he also had the Duglaari
in mind.
Another piece of the puzzle consists in
Mind Game, released only in
August of 1980: This is one of Spinrad's
best books, and, since Hoskins soon
afterwards began a project of his own
which coincided with one in the book, it
is fairly safe to assume that [p.140] he
read it. He was probably, by that time,
looking out for anything by Spinrad,
but, as with the other books, he spoke
about it only indirectly.
This book is only half fiction and
comes close to being an expose of a
large and thriving semi-religious cult
[*] with branches in all major cities
and countries. In the book Spinrad calls
it "Transformationalism", and the
purpose of this sect is mainly to make
money at the expense of ordinary people
with weak egos who are enrolled and
reduced virtually to voluntary serfdom.
There is a heavy reliance on personality
tests, pseudo-scientific gadgetry, and
adaptations of many sorts of legitimate
and illegitimate therapy. There are
"life directives" which cannot be
disobeyed, and which are backed up with
the threat of violence. As in the case
of certain actual sects, some people who
have really challenged the leadership
have even been killed in circumstances
so bizarre as to render prosecution
ineffective for lack of anything
resembling a sane witness.
[* The Scientologists and L. Ron
Hubbard, of course--ADT]
The hero of this novel is a small
time movie director, Jack Weller, who
loses his wife, Annie, to
Transformationalism. When she receives a
life directive not to communicate with
him at all, he goes, first to his
lawyer, and then to a "deprogrammer."
Since there are no legal remedies, his
only option is to join the sect himself
in order to find Annie. Once enrolled,
he has to convince each echelon in turn
that, while he joined for ulterior
motives, he is really becoming a true
believer. Spinrad here portrays
skillfully the battle of a man trying to
keep his sanity while holding down a
demanding job, spending almost all his
free time being barraged by propaganda,
and then secretly reporting to his
frankly mercenary deprogrammer whom he
only half trusts.
The novel culminates when Jack meets
the leader. of the cult, John B.
Steinhardt, who is a drunken former
science fiction writer with a winning
cynicism and great overall charm. At
that point Jack finds Annie, but also
finds that her personality has been
"eptified" to the point where he no
longer wants her, particularly when it
appears that whe will not leave the
movement under any circumstances.
The treatment of Annie, a beautiful
(but not especially intelligent) young
actress, is quite effective. Bored and
frustrated with her career, the
transformationalists begin by offering
her analysis of her problems at bargain
rates. Then it is suggested that some of
their treatments will help, and they do,
in fact, make her feel better. At the
next stage, her transformationalist
therapist exploits Annie's conficts with
her husband and convinces her that she
must either get him to join or leave
him. When Jack reacts violently she does
leave him. By this time, her problems
far outdistance the resources she has
for dealing [p.141] with them, and she
becomes increasingly dependent on the
movement. Finally, she discovers that,
if she puts all her trust in
Transformationalism, she is spared the
pain of having to think about her
problems at all.
By the time Jack finds John B.
Steinhardt and Annie, he is in so much
trouble with the movement that he is
threatened with death. He leaves under
an agreement not to divulge any of his
knowledge, and the book ends with Jack
refusing an otherwise golden opportunity
to direct a movie on a related subject.
Transformationalism is depicted as
having corporate tentacles in all
directions, and Jack thinks the offer to
direct the movie may have come as a kind
of test to see if he intends to keep his
bargain.
In the last months of his life
Hoskins became interested in the
organization that Mind Game
seems to depict. He decided to play a
scientific hoax on this sect and wrote
claiming that he had invented a
perpetual motion machine. The
correspondence was soon in high gear,
and, whenever Hoskins got a letter, he
would laugh uproariously and show it to
his friends. If he had lived, he would
undoubtedly have carried things much
further.
Hoskins' friends were disturbed by
this and warned him of the dangers of
fooling around with people who, at the
least, were capable of being monumental
nuisances. In retrospect it seems likely
that Hoskins, having read Mind Game,
knew more about them than we did, and
took them on as a challenge. While, like
so many things that he did, it was
partly a joke, he put too much time and
energy into his frankly bogus perpetual
motion machine for it to be just that.
Probably he hoped to convince the
leaders of at least the local branch of
the validity of his project in the hope
that they would eventually go public
with it and make fools of themselves.
The book pictures the leaders of the
sect, with the partial exception of John
B. Steinhardt, as bullies and
victimizers of the first order. Perhaps
Hoskins felt a little as he had in the
Marines, and wanted to show a few people
what it is like to be victims of a hoax.
Moreover, even though Hoskins seemed the
last kind of person to confuse
fiction with reality, he may at times
have felt as if he were going to avenge
Jack and Annie.
Yet another of Spinrad's books that
dovetails with aspects of Hoskins' life
is Bug Jack Barron. The
protagonist of this book, which is set
in the relatively near future, is host
of a talk show in which the callers tell
him what "bugs" them. If the host, Jack
Barron, is then bugged, he gets the
public figure responsible on the
videophone and conducts a three way live
roundabout right on the television
program.
Barron is a master of TV technique,
and has the advantage, [p.142] not only
of his quick wits, but of the ability to
make the image of his opponent on the
screen become smaller and grayer without
warning. He can also lower the
opponent's voice or cut it off
altogether. Barron has thus become a
powerful figure who can publicly cut
politicians and captains of industry to
pieces, and he has an audience of a
hundred million.
None of the characters in Spinrad's
books seem, on the surface, to be very
much like Hoskins, and, in the case of The
Solarians and Mind Game,
he seems to have been influenced more by
the general view of the world than by
any particular character. In the case of
Bug Jack Barron there may be a
more personal influence. And that
influence may have existed despite the
fact that Jack Barron has an entirely
different style from that of Hoskins.
Barron is enormously ambitious, is
almost humorless, and has a basic
disc-jockey show-biz personality. No one
would have described Hoskins in any of
those ways, but these differences
nevertheless pertain more to style than
to substance, and they should not be
allowed to obscure some basic
similarities.
First, then, consider ambition. The
person who, like Barron, lets everyone
see his naked need to succeed does not
necessarily have a greater need than
someone who hides it and lets it
ultimately come out only in strange or
perverted ways. In addition to what is
ordinarily called ambition there is
clearly an inhibitory factor, and there
is no reason to think that it is
constant, always letting the same
proportion of the iceberg show above
water. In Hoskins' case there is some
reason to think that the hidden
component was considerable. Over the
last ten years there have been a number
of incidents in Cincinnati in which art
exhibitions have been disrupted. Whether
or not Hoskins had anything to do with
those disruptions, he did talk about
such things with some of his friends.
This is the sort of thing one would
expect from frustrated ambition. The
artist who sees that work inferior to
his own is accepted where his would be
rejected will, if he has any ambition at
all, feel bitterly. If he is a man of
action, he may be inclined to try to do
something to rectify the situation, even
if the act is little more than symbolic.
Closely related t o Barron's ambition
is his exhibitionism. It is not enough
for him to gain secret power, but he
must have fame and attention as well. A
tendency to exhibitionism is also a
quality which i s widely distributed,
and, paradoxically enough, it can b e
hidden for a suprisingly long time, as
in Hoskins' case. Still, no one who
ended as he did could have lacked that
quality, and his need may even have
approached Barron's. What is strikingly
different about Barron is merely that he
makes no more pretensions to modesty
than to humility. [p.143] To continue
our comparison of a fictional character
with a real one, anyone meeting them
would have been struck by the fact that
Hoskins had much better manners. Where
Barron insults people as a matter of
course and runs roughshod over all sorts
of feelings, Hoskins smiled, often
talked guardedly, and displayed
considerable sensitivity. This may
reveal, not so much a difference in
attitude toward others, but a difference
in style attributable, i n no s m a l l
part, to the difference between
Tennessee and New York City.
Even more striking is the fact that,
while humor accompanied Hoskins right to
his death, Barron seems almost entirely
without a sense of fun. For many people,
the charge of humorlessness amounts
almost to the worst condemnation
possible. On the positive side, it is
often believed that a humorous
"good-natured" person is bound to have a
whole range of other virtues. For
example, i t was probably because of
that trait that many believed that
Hoskins would be incapable of violence.
What emerges is that humor, like good
manners, is part of a style with which
one does things, but may not have much
connection with the things one decides
to do. Again like good manners, it is an
extremely effective style. A person of
humor and charm can get away with
actions that a crude humorless person
would not even dare contemplate. Our
culture, by attaching the wrong kind of
importance to style, tends to blind us
to the more dangerous features that
linked Barron and Hoskins.
After abstracting from superficial
qualities, one can see that Barron is
very nearly the embodiment of one of
Hoskins' most persistent fantasies. Not
only is he the defender of any underdog
who can get through to him, but it is
hard to imagine any more potent threat
to the kinds of big league bullies who
were almost entirely out of Hoskins'
reach. When Barron, with his hundred
million viewers behind him, calls an
elected official or corporate head, the
victim does not dare to be
"unavailable." Then, when he does get on
the videophone, he finds himself on
Barron's turf, playing under Barron's
rules, and without any preparation for
the unpleasant surprises Barron will
spring on him. Hoskins must have
realized that, fictional though they
were, these techniques were light years
ahead of beating up bullies physically.
It may have been no accident that the
closing episode of Bug Jack Barron
parallels part of the closing episode o
f Hoskins' life. In the course of his
activity Barron becomes implicated in a
murder which h e did not directly
intend, but for which he justly feels
partly responsible. This leads to the
suicide of his woman friend, and he
confesses everything on his television
show. Like Hoskins, he also takes that
opportunity to make a social statement.
It would be too much to say that Hoskins
did [p.144] these things because Barron
did them. Better to say that both men
shared a number of attitudes, that they
lived in a potentially violent
atmosphere, and that neither was exactly
a shrinking violet.
There is also a more important and
less speculative connection between
Barron and Hoskins. In the book, Barron
comes increasingly to think that
people in politics, and public life
generally, are power-junkies who need to
increase their power in the same way
that an addict needs an ever increasing
supply of heroin. All these people have
lost sight of whatever social concerns
may have originally moved them. For that
matter, Barron believes that even
youthful revolutionaries are likely to
be more strongly motivated by that
same desire for power, and by hate for
their elders, than by love for the
oppressed. While Barron is labelled as a
cop-out by his erstwhile friends in
politics, he claims that their
motivation is no better. He, at least,
does not delude himself.
These views are held by many people,
and Hoskins probably had such a position
long before he read the book. It may, in
fact, have been one of the things that
endeared Spinrad to him. However,
Spinrad then goes a step further.
Barron, because of his immense
popularity, is offered a presidential
nomination by a coalition of major
parties. He is about to refuse on the
ground that he already has more
influence than he would as president,
but accepts only because he thinks that
he can use a presidential campaign to
enhance even further his position in
show business. The book ends with him on
the point of winning the election, but
also intending to resign immediately
afterwards.
The idea that a talk show host can
use the presidency only to increase
still further his audience count might
easily have had an impact on Hoskins. It
might have convinced him that, if he
could do only one thing, t h a t thing
had best involve television. Unlike Jack
Barron, Hoskins did not have an
established position in television, but
that did not prevent him from capturing
one for a few hours.
We come now to Agent of Chaos.
This book, set at least three hundred
years into the future, has space ships
and the standard trappings of science
fiction. It also comes as close to being
a political novel as any Spinrad seems
to have written, although, even here,
what is championed is really a kind of
anti-politics. In one way, it is an odd
book to single out from Spinrad's other
works, since it is far from being his
best. Some of the leading characters are
rather thin, and none are as lively and
vivid as John B. Steinhardt or Jack
Barron. However, Hoskins' selection of
this book does tend to reinforce his
almost-true claim that he did not read
fiction. Even when he did, he was most
interested in ideas which need not have
been [p.145] set in a fictional context
ar all.
The most interesting character in the
book is one who appears only in
quotations from his writings. Gregor
Markowitz is presented as a twentieth
century social scientist, but he and his
books are actually the invention of
Spinrad. In his Theory of Social
Entropy Markowitz claims that
there is such a thing as social entropy
corresponding to the physical laws of
entropy, according to which particles of
matter tend to scatter randomly. In the
way in which it takes physical energy to
keep order in a system of particles, it
takes social energy to keep humans
together, and to coordinate their
actions with one another. Thus, any sort
of organized society is in itself
unnatural, and will ultimately be wiped
out by the tendency to increased social
entropy. That is, the forces of chaos.
Like many contemporary Marxists,
Markowitz thinks that it is not enough
to be on the side which must ultimately
win, but that one must help
inevitability along with one's own
efforts. It is, as the old saw has it,
like riding up an escalator. You will
get there anyway, but you can get there
faster if you walk up.
Unlike almost all other political and
social theorists, Markowitz claims no
other benefits for his utopia. Chaos
does not provide an adequate food
supply, democratic institutions, or even
human life. It has only its own grandeur
to rcommend it. It is best illustrated
when one looks outside at night and sees
only stars scattered in infinite space.
The plot of the novel is designed
mainly to illustrate Markowitz'
theories, and to provide a certain
amount of suspense along the way. The
world is pictured as having a unified
government, called the Hegemony, with a
central council composed of people of
many different former nationalities.
While there is competition for the top
spot, that of Hegemonic Coordinator,
this body has enough unity to keep
peace, and to reduce the majority of the
citizens, called Wards, to a state of
sheep-like obedience. The other class
consists of the Guardians, a kind of
super police force, each member of which
has been trained to be extremely
suspicious and trigger happy. Not only
is any deviant behavior on the part of
the citizenry snuffed out before it can
get fairly under way, but the Guardians
are so suspicious of one another that it
is impossible for anyone to unify enough
of them long enough to mount any coup
against the government.
Despite this near total control of
the society by the government, there are
two small groups in secret opposition
who can make a nuisance of themselves at
times. One is the Democratic League, a
band of left-over liberals who have
their headquarters in the disused subway
tunnels of New York City. This group
seems meant to represent the distilled
common essence of every present
political group that sets itself up in
opposition to [p.146] totalitarian rule,
and Spinrad uses virtually every
technique available to the novelist to
make it appear ridiculous. One of its
leading lights, for example, has spent
so many years underground in the
darkened subways that, like a mole, he
is blinded by sunlight, and can only
scrabble around underground. The leader
of the League, Boris Johnson, can
function in sunlight, but has something
of the mentality of a mole. Hopelessly
and naively brave, he doggedly attempts
to assassinate government leaders, but
is always foiled at the last moment.
This is because his right hand man is
actually an agent of another group who
gives away each plot before it can be
consummated. None of this arouses
Johnson's suspicions, and his shock when
the agent finally reveals himself is
complete. The Democratic League is led
to its final absurdity when it is
revealed that none of the leaders have
any idea what they are fighting for, or
even what meaning they attach to the
word "democracy." It turns out that all
such concepts have been lost, and that
Johnson and his colleagues have only a
vague idea that they do not like living
under the Hegemony.
The main weakness of the novel, as
art, consists in the fact that Boris
Johnson lacks any credible motivation.
Still, the message is clear. Politicians
of the right are power-hungry
authoritarians, while all the others are
hopeless incompetents who will only make
matters worse. The only real hope
consists in some third force which is
entirely apolitical in its nature, its
goals, and its methods of operation.
This is Markowitz' Force of Chaos, and
all the best parts of the novel pertain
to it.
While Hoskins did not speak in this
idiom, he, like Markowitz, thought that
political opposition was, at best, a
waste of time, and, at worst, a force
which would impose an order just as bad
as the existing one. This view is often
confused with Marxism, and political
radicalism generally, since it has
become a hallmark of the radical to
distrust the liberal even more than the
conservative. However, the radical then
goes on to advocate something which
would be another political party were it
not for the fact that it has no hope of
winning elections. Hoskins thought that
radicalism was even more hopeless than
liberalism because it had the sympathy
of such a tiny slice of the
population. Further, he thought that any
sort of violence in the name o f
radicalism would simply antagonize the
public still more. This view was amply
demonstrated one night when he met two
radical young women who were
distributing literature outside a punk
rock night club that he occasionally
visited. One woman he considered absurd
and dangerously out of touch with
reality. The other attracted him as a
person, and he invited her to dinner.
Melanie was away at the time, and,
whatever happened, he regarded the
woman's Maoist outlook as the chief
[p.147] drawback in an otherwise
humorous and interesting personality. He
did not see her again, partly because he
was afraid that the police might have
her under surveillance, but probably
more because he did not want to be
involved with anything like Boris
Johnson's group of starry-eyed bumblers,
whether they called themselves liberals
or radicals.
The third force in the world
portrayed in Agent of Chaos is
not a political group which has moved a
bit to the left of liberalism, but is
the Brotherhood of Assassins. Their main
aim is to destroy order, whether of
government or of organized opposition,
and to introduce as much randomness as
possible into human affairs. In this way
they seek to increase Markowitz' social
entropy and thus work toward complete
chaos. According to the history
provided, the Brotherhood evolved in
some vague way from the religions that
had formerly existed. In the course of
this evolution God got dropped, to be
replaced with a scientific concept of
entropy and chaos, presumably under the
influence of Markowitz. However,
something of the emotional quality of
the old religions remained and was found
useful since actions determined by
impulse proved less predictable than
those based on reason. Thus, according
to Markowitz, human emotion is a Random
Factor, and decisions based on it are
closer to being arbitrary.
After the Hegemony was established,
the Brotherhood assassinated three out
of the first seven Hegemonic
Coordinators and planted a fusion bomb
which destroyed Port Gagarin.
Afterwards, they saved one
extraterrestrial colony when its dome
was holed by a meteor, but then turned
around and blew open another dome,
killing everyone in the colony for no
reason that anyone could credit.
This doctrine was obviously
attractive to Hoskins. He had stored up
a large amount of anger toward all kinds
of bullies, and he had come to believe
that they dominated society as a whole.
Markowitz and the Brotherhood of
Assassins offered him an outlet,
particularly when he was in a mood like
that in which he must have been when he
wrote of undertaking a guerilla war
against mankind in general. Since he was
too much of an individualist to join any
kind of group, regardless of whether
they wanted to distribute leaflets or
toss bombs, any ordinary kind of
terrorism was ruled out. On the other
hand, one man, acting alone, could
create a considerable amount of chaos.
In addition to these attractions, the
philosophy of chaos had an aesthetic
appeal. If one were to write a script
for a play or organize a happening
around left-wing politics, or even
revolutionary activity of the ordinary
kind, one would be fighting anuphill
battle against boredom. The themes are
too familiar and have been played out in
all their variations too many times. But
[p.148] the idea of simply producing
chaos for its own sake, while not new
with Spinrad, has at least a certain
freshness. Spinrad would have succeeded
in producing a first-class work of art
in Agent of Chaos if he had paid
as much attention to character
development as he did in Mind Game
or Bug Jack Barron. As it is, he
left something to be done, a vacuum
which w a s filled by another sort of
artist - one who did not share Boris
Johnson's lack of personality, and one
who was in search of a fitting climax.
How much of this Hoskins got from
Spinrad and how much he already had is
now impossible to say. Generally, people
are most influenced by books which
mirror the thoughts they already have,
but which take them a bit further, or
give them some new twist. There are
several ways in which this could have
happened in the present case, probably
in connection with two additional ideas
which Markowitz develops.
The first is a paradox within ordered
societies. Since it takes social energy
to hold a social system together against
the pull of social entropy, that energy
must be systematically produced. But the
only way of producing it is to order the
society more tightly in order to put to
use more of its resources in the most
efficient way. However, the upshot is
then a still more ordered society which
requires yet more energy to hold it
together. So it must be ordered yet more
highly to produce the energy, and so on
ad infinitum.
The First Agent of the Brotherhood of
Assassins, Robert Ching, is a follower
of Markowitz, but he is bothered by the
following problem. If the time left for
the existence of man is finite, the
self-destruction of an ordered society
cannot be assured. It may be able to
order itself so tightly as to defy the
forces of entropy right to the end. That
is, the death of the Sun might be what
brings about the death of the Hegemony,
with the result that Chaos, while
remaining supreme on the macroscopic
level, would never prevail in the sense
of producing a chaotic human society.
Ching is eventually reassured by the
imminent development of a true space
ship which can take humans to other
solar systems, with the result that
humanity can be prolonged indefinitely,
and will eventually reach Chaos.
Hoskins was probably intrigued by
this sort of reasoning, and, even though
he did not confront the infinite in
quite the way that Robert Ching did,
there was an analogue at home. If one
had to say which elements in Cincinnati
represented chaos, as opposed to order,
one could hardly fail to nominate
Washington Park with its winos and
thugs. It was exactly this sort of
disorder that Hoskins seemed to enjoy
and revel in, even if, in his personal
habits, he was orderly in some ways.
Thus, it is the message he left with
Melanie, rather than the videotaped one,
[p.149] that really makes sense in terms
of his known outlook. What he must have
feared was, not that life in Washington
Park would continue as it was, with all
its abuses, but that it would be
radically changed. In the TV message he
seemed to be demanding change, but,
really, that must have been the last
thing he wanted. Granted, he was opposed
to the redevelopment and
"gentrification" of the neighborhood,
the demolition of buildings, and the
moves to get the winos off the streets.
But that may not have been a
conventional humanitarian concern. It
may have been simply because, In
Spinrad's terms, these were all moves to
replace Chaos with Order.
Why, then the television message?
First, people seldom state their real
complaint, particularly under
conditions of stress. For example,
businesses and other organizations
often fire their employees because
co-workers and superiors find it
impossible to get along with them.
But, however good a reason this may
be, it is seldom felt to be adequate.
Thus, they wait for a pretext, at
which time some broken rule can be
used as a reason. It matters not that
others, who are liked, can break that
same rule with impunity. The more
general principle here is that, when
organizations or individuals set out
to do something which will generate
flak, they are likely to attempt to
"dress up" their real motivation in
such a way that it will be more
compelling to more people. Sometimes
they do this convincingly, and
sometimes only in a way that seems
arbitrary (and worse than the real
motivation).
In Hoskins' case something similar
may have been operating. He could not
have gone on TV and said that the
quality of his life was being
threatened because the establishment
was working to move out all the crazy
colorful people he loved to live among
and replace them with young
professionals whom he would find dull.
No one would have taken him seriously.
So he found two ways in which to code
that message. One was in social terms,
and it had an extraordinary effect. No
matter that it made his friends look
at each other in wonder. The other
ending, which must have been much
closer to home, was that copy of Agent
of Chaos in Melanie's hands.
This was too weird for a mass
audience, and it was reserved for
those who would This probably was not
quite it either, but Hoskins as an
Agent of Chaos seems much better, at
least if one allows the agent a little
smile.
Then there is, in the book,
something that may have been the very
last straw. The Brotherhood of
Assassins has its secret base on an
asteroid, and is building the first
true space ship which is capable of
voyages to other solar systems.
However, just before the ship is ready
to take off, the base is discovered
[p.150] by an air fleet of the
Hegemony, which threatens to destroy
both the Brotherhood and the space
ship. At this point, Robert Ching
devises a ruse to get the enemy fleet
to land. The spaceship takes off from
its hidden silo, and, before the
Hegemonic ships can give chase, Robert
Ching blows up the whole asteroid. He
thus destroys himself, the members of
the Brotherhood not on the space ship,
and the enemy fleet.
Thus far, we have nothing more
than an ordinary ending for a
science fiction novel, but these
events are again tied into the
philosophy of Markowitz. Apart from
his extension of the theory of
entropy, Markowitz is modelled after
those philosophers in the tradition
of Hegel who have a love of paradox.
A commitment to paradox need not
involve a rejection of rational
thinking, but, if, like Markowitz,
one is mainly interested in being
unpredictable, one will avoid
rational action. Hence,
wherever possible, Markowitz
recommends that we act, not only
emotionally, but on the basis of
maxims that are paradoxical or
involve inverted or perverted
reasoning. For example, he points
out that man normally tries to
prolong life and, at the same time,
make use of that prolongation of
life to reach certain other goals.
As he puts it, "man shrinks from
death and strives for Victory."
However, if one's goals can be
reached by suicide rather than life,
then one can both have one's victory
and act contrary to one of the
primary laws of "nature."
According to Markowitz, this
so-called "natural state of man" is
not really natural. Indeed, chaos
will eventually wipe out that state.
It is thus claimed that suicide is
actually more in accordance with the
basic principles of the universe
than the temporary aberration known
as human nature. If,then, suicide is
inherently more chaotic than
continued life, a suicide which has
large-scale chaotic consequences is
thus what Markowitz counts as the
Ultimate Chaotic Act. Robert Ching
achieves such an act in a kind of
atheistic religious ecstasy.
There are obvious parallels
between Hoskins' last actions and
Markowitz' notion of an Ultimate
Chaotic Act. We have seen, for
example, that his death was a kind
of suicide, but, like Robert
Ching's, one that was meant to have
as much effect as possible. It was
meant to disrupt the routine of a TV
station, and the interview, whatever
other purpose it may have had, was
intended to shake up as many people
as possible and divert them from
their normal thoughts and
activities. In this it may have been
more successful than Hoskins could
have known, and the very
unpredictability of his act
contributed to its chaotic
character. Finally, however much
planning may have gone into the
takeover of the station, the prior
events of that night seem to have
occurred in a frenzy. Indeed, since
the Brotherhood of Assassins kills
more or less randomly, this is the
only framework [p.151] under which
the killing of Melanie would have
made any sense whatever.
There are two things that do not
quite fit. One is that Markowitz seems
to have had no particular views about
art in general, or in what might be
called happenings. It is likely that, if
Hoskins took Markowitz seriously, he
followed his system, not just as
philosophy, but because it could be made
a component of an artistic process and
lend it depth. Philosophical or
religious claims can be incorporated
into works of art in many ways, and may
enhance the value of the art even if no
one concerned accepts them. Among all
the great artists who painted Christian
subjects for hundreds of years, there
were some agnostics and downright
unbelievers. There are also many people
who respond aesthetically to those
paintings, who have no religious
inclination toward Christianity. In a
similar way, Hoskins could have thought
that Markowitz' theories were
interesting, and worth building a
happening around, without accepting them
as unqualified truth.
This possibility suggests another.
That, in what might have been an
impromptu gesture, Hoskins picked up a
book which, not only meant a good deal t
o him in one way or another, but which
allowed him to put something he had not
previously intended into his
performance. It may sound rather strange
to suggest that someone would actually
play a joke after having killed the
person closest to him, and in full
expectation of his own imminent death.
But to rule that possibility out would
be to deny a well-established fact.
People die as they have lived. A man who
could never resist a humorous touch,
however black the humor, would not
suddenly change when approaching death.
It has been suggested above that, as far
as assessing personality goes,
humorousness pertains more to style than
to substance, and is not one of the most
basic variables. Still, we should not
otherwise deny it its due. Not only can
it be an important element in art, but,
even in personality, it has a way of
persistently following certain people.
Besides which, Hoskins had as much of
the night as he wanted after he killed
Melanie, and he may have gone though
many moods.
Hoskins might have wanted people to
think that he was acting on the
instructions of a science fiction
philosopher who would strike them as
being utterly mad. It could have been a
perfect put-on, and to the extent that
he was in anything like his usual state
of mind, he might have been considerably
pleased as he imagined some highly
respectable people grappling with the
views of Gregor Markowitz.
Among academic philosophers, humor is
about as welcome as the Black Death . It
iS, in fact, a favorite weapon. If one
philosopher at a professional meeting
can manage to make the [p.152] views of
another appear so ridiculous as t o draw
a laugh from the audience, he can hardly
fail to win the contest. The loser,
while trying to appear to be a good
enough sport to find humor at his own
expense, will scan that same audience in
the fervent hope that no influential
colleagues are present to witness his
humiliation. It is thus almost
inconceivable to such people that a
touch of humorous absurdity could be
something one might want in one's
philosophy. Even if it could be used for
artistic purposes.
Hoskins was not an academic
philosopher. Moreover, since he valued
humor in art, there is no reason t o
think that he valued it less when he
combined philosophy with art. The idea
that what society really needs is to be
dispersed a s rapidly and widely as
possible through random action could
have appealed deeply to a man whose
humor was always more pointed when
matters struck close to home. We are
thus left with what was not only
Markowitz' Ultimate Chaotic Act, but may
also have been Hoskins' Ultimate Chaotic
Joke.