Hoskins: The Artist as Terrorist

by William Todd



Copyright 1981 by William Todd

First Published by Ehling Clifton Books 1982 [Edition Suppressed]

Cover by Nancy Todd [Jaeger]

Republished by Andrew D. Todd, Rowboats of San Diego September 30, 2025

Narly forty-five years have gone by since the events depicted in this book, the book's original authorship, and the failed attempt at publication. The reasons for its suppression no longer exist, various people having died in the intervening years, and the book is here effectually published for the first time. I would like to express my gratitude to Deborah Adrian for her help in OCR-scanning a surviving paperback copy.--- ADT

Cover, w picture of Hoskins

Hoskins with a Hat

Acknowledgments

I [William Todd, in 1982] am indebted to the many friends of Jim Hoskins who have provided a good deal of the background material for this book. Some have asked not to be mentioned by name, and it seems best to apply the same rule for all.

 In addition, I would like to thank the following persons who did not know Hoskins, or only knew him briefly, but who have read the manuscript and commented helpfully on it: Bobby Bell, Kuaana Bell, Jeanne Edwards, Elaine Green, Morse Johnson, John Martin, John McEvoy, Jenefer Robinson, Rebecca Ross, Cheryl Scott , Michael Scott, Pauline Smolin, and Mary Todd.


Chapter 1    Opening at Big Ray's                            1

Chapter 2    Washington Park                                 23

Chapter 3    A Little Background Information        39

Chapter 4    The Military and its Aftermath            49

Chapter 5     Exercises in the Basement                  61

Chapter 6     The Demands of the Culture               73

Chapter 7     The Glories of Failure                         79

Chapter 8     A Night in October                              93

Chapter 9     The Views of some Friends                101

Chapter 10   The Development of Hoskins' Art      111

Chapter 11   The Final Straw: Norman Spinrad    137


Home
Chapter 1
[p.1]

Opening at Big Ray's

Art exhibitions invariably begin with what is called "the opening." This is o social event with drinks and snacks, and often attracts more people than will subsequently see the exhibition in its entire run. If the opening is in a museum or major gallery, the work shown is often of an honored worthy who is either dead or too important to come. These are in the minority. Most openings feature the work of local not-so-famous artists, and constitute the major social events in their lives. They gather with their friends, rivals, mates, and perhaps even o patron or two. The artists may outnumber the nonartists, which makes for conviviality, but cuts down on the number of sales. Someone who goes to only a few of these openings sees many of the same people and gets an impression of the local community of artists. Even when there is a large exhibition in a museum, the young artists and art students come to the opening (sometimes getting in without tickets) and swirl through the rooms with the establishmentarians who have been brought out by the great name. Occasionally, some of the latter, drawn either by true interest in art or a desire to be fashionably in the forefront, return the compliment and go to the little openings.

A few of these gatherings attempt to imitate the larger openings, but most have their own way of doing things. Some are really open houses for groups of studios where the artists have their work on display. Since the artists often live in their studios to save money, each is a little world of its own, where no wall space is left out of account and even the toilet seat may be, if not a work of art on its own, at least designed to add to the general effect. Other openings may have a string of nude photographs of the young mistresses of the artist to set the stage, while yet others may have some impromptu theatre to intensify the effect of the paintings. It is only the exceptional opening where there are motorcyclists with chains, and where a middle-class visitor might feel uneasy at the fact that the only exit is blocked by a large mean-looking man who might not like to be asked to move.

On the night of the first opening a t the Raymond Phynder Gallery no one was in any danger despite the fact that owner, Big Ray, sometimes wore a spiked German helmet to parties and could easily have frightened a lot of people with a  [p.2] bad look. The artists, many of whom had had bad experiences at other galleries, felt comfortable with Ray and happily stepped over and around the many cats who lived in the gallery. Some had reached the point where they would have exhibited if he had opened a gallery in a cave or tree house, but part of the point of locating the gallery in the country town of Milford, Ohio was its location next to the wealthiest suburbs of Cincinnati. It was hoped that the surrounding residents would notice it, would come to the openings, and would not neglect to bring their purses with them.

Some had reached the point where they  would have exhibited if he had opened a gallery in a cave or tree house, but part of the point of locating the galler in thecountry town of Milford, Ohio, was its location next to the wealthiest suburbs ofCicinnati. It was hoped that the surrounding residents would notice it, would come to the openings, and would notneglect to bring their purses with them. So far, no one had arrived who appeared likely to throwhundred dollar bills around,and it was clear to an experienced eye that such eoe would not come. The sleepy little town had no lack of charm and more than its share of antiquarian interest, but it had yet to be"discovered"by the fashionable world. There were no gleaming brass door knockers and house numbers, no fake gas lights, ond the gallery did not have an awning reaching down to the sidewalk.

Still, whle  the sorts of people who might spend large sums out of ignorance were not present, there may well have be some less conspicuously wealthy people who knew what they liked, and were prepared to pay fair a price for it. Indeed, among the people gathered in the  front of the gallery, still enjoying the waning smlight, there were some who could have occupied almost any station in life. Conversations could easily be overheard and brought together many different accents and  personal styles. In one group a middle-aged man was talking with a much younger one while a young woman looked on. Th older man looked as if he was interested in what the other had to say despite being a bit put off by the energy which the youth put into his speech and gestures, and, above all, by the close range at which he chose to converse. Such a pair might have ended up circling around the woman, one advancing while the other retreated, had not the older man been much taller. As it was, he stood extra straight and the other, in order to avoid an almost entirely vertical conversation, had to keep a certain distance.

The older man, in a well-worn jacket and knit tie, looked as if he were dressed less formally than usual, while the younger, in paint splattered but freshly washed jeans and sweatshirt, looked as if he might have made a special effort for the occasion. The latter was as surely an artist as the former was not, and, with a squat powerful body topped with musses of curly black hair, he could easily have been a sculptor. In addition, he used his large hands to shape his words in a way that was profoundly unmidwestern and suggested an origin in one of the large cities of the east. The older man might also [p.3] have corne from the east, but if there was something about him not mid-western, it was a  different sort of something. As it turned  out, both had lived in Boston and were talking about a  gallery  ownernamed  Montague whom they had known there.

The young woman was almost as tall as the older man and looked hardly out of ber teens. But, since she seemed also to be an artist, and to feel ot home in the group, she was probably older than she looked. She would hove been quite good looking but for a square jaw that was almost grotesquely oversized. Even so, it was the kind of thing that o person of eccentric taste might have liked. The man who was old enough to be her father did indeed show some interest and addressed remarks to her, but without getting much response.

Suddenly, she turned to the younger man, whispered in his eat, kissed him, and clouted him cheerfully in the stomach. Before he could reply, she had departed to join another, younger, group.

The young man, apparently used to sudden blows to the stomach, continued to listen to the other.

 "1 bought a few things from Montague, and, each time, he carefully explained how little interest he had in making money."

 "Bullshit. He's a mercenary bastard. Even more mercenary than I am."

The older man, amused by this self-revelation, continued his story: "All the time he was talking about money he said he preferred to talk of art, but we never quite got around to that. He as much as said that the gallery lost money, and that he supported it on his private income. I didn't believe him, even at the time."

The young man, in addition to being mercenary, was a surprisingly good mimic, and produced a facsimile of what must have been a highly affected voice: "One would like to subsidize one's favorite young artists, but there are so many. One wishes one were wealthier."

"Have you ever sold any work through him?"

"A little. At first he wouldn't take anything of mine. He said [p.4] all the ladies who came in trying to find something to match théir blue couches wouldn't buy it."

"He also complained about ladies with blue couches to me. He said that the art lover who opens a gallery had to accept certain realities. got the impression that another of those realities was that I could have made up a whole school of eighteenth century French painters and sent him off on a wild goose chase."

This idea seemed to tickle the fancy of the younger man who evidently had a score to settle.

"It's easier to put over a hoax on people like Montague than to get them to take something good. I've known artists who got discouraged and finally decided to do something crazy and absurd, and had success. Like nailing a pair of pantyhose to a board and writing "FART" on it in big red letters. You'd be surprised how seriously you can be taken if you look right andact right."

"Well, really, it can be hard to distinguish between certain kinds of radically new work and outright frauds. Anyhow, you have to know more than Montague does."

"Sometimes it's so much a matter of how you strike the dealer when he first sees you. When we went to Boston Bridget wasn't painting that well, but she's striking looking and there was a naive charm in her work that just matched herpersonality. He took anything she had to offer, and pushed it. I had to pester him to pay her, but he kept us going for months ."
"Yes, I can imagine his being pretty vague about money when it comes time to pay artists."

"Shit yes. But the worst came later. Just when she really got her painting together, he wouldn't even show it. We were both pissed about that."

"Probably he couldn't sell it to the ladies with the blue couches anymore. Part of the problem consists in the kind of customers that he has. Even in the east, a lot of wealthy people look upon an art dealer just as an interior decorator."

"It's a relief to be here. I don't think anyone would ever take Ray to be an interior decorator."
 [p.5]
There was a pause when the younger mon seemed unsure whether to something thot was on his mind.

"It all to a head one night when he had an opening and said was going to show several of her paintings. We looked all over and couldn't find any. So I pried him away from some assholes he was buttering up and asked him. After all, her pieces were so tiny that we might have missed them. He gave a sickly smile md said he couldn't find room for them because theey were so large. I stilt don't know if he just forgot what they were or was deliberately insulting us. She didn't say a word, but she started drinking everything in sight. Then she got to pouring as much of the champagne punch as she could onto his plants."

"Did he see her do it?"

"1 don't know, but she was really wild. It was so funny because, all dressed up in her only dress and her only high heels, she looked more aristocratic than the rich ladies, but went reeling crazily around. I finally got her out the front door and heard her say something about being too humiliated to be dressed like that. Then, before I knew what had happened, she had her dress over her head and threw it in the gutter. I was pretty drunk myself but did get her into the car before we got arrested."


Inside the gallery, Ray, needing to make some arrangements with his woman friend, or just wanting to find someone, tended to shout hoarsely in a way that shook all three rooms. And this was his restrained indoor voice. Once, on a hike through the neighboring suburb that constituted Ray's best potential market, he had exercised his outdoor voice to the full while flourishing a walking stick he had fashioned in the woods. The shouting went on rythmically for some time, and, while volume blurred words beyond recognition, the impression given was that of a fundamentalist preacher of the old school come to wreak retribution on all the sinners cowering in their great houses. Thus, while Ray did not himself paint, he certainly set an example for style. It was unfortunate only that it was not a style calculated to make the rich feel at home in his gallery.

If anything else had been needed to unnerve staid and dignified people, one of the group, when introduced to a woman who was a probation officer in the criminal courts, talked of the probation officers he had had himself. Although his difficulties had probably arisen only from the use of marijuana in the days when the penalties were severe, he made it sound as if he were an armed felon. When he went on to speculate that he might [p.6] have her for his next probation officer, he prompted a professional reply.

"You do have control over whether there will be a next time, you know."

At that everyone laughed, as if she were proposing that he try to take into his hands something properly left to the gods. The woman, while used to people who had confronted the law, was not ready for this, and whispered to her companion, a fringe member of the group,

"I don't know how you find each other. It must be the glint in the eye."
Once an outsider got the idea that a genuine commitment to art can go hand in hand with a fear of the police, the whole picture begon to make more sense. Most of the people present had an idea of living freely that was much more radical than that of even political radicals. Moreover, it was largely conditioned by their idea of art. This had in the past entailed certain amount of friction with the police, and it was generally assumed that it would continue to do so.

With Ray and some of his male friends it was not hard to imagine that they might get it into their heads to undertake something, perhaps a happening in the streets, that would bring them into conflict with the local authorities. However, some of the women present were at least as willing to defy authority One of them was so quiet and serious that it was hard to imagine her in conflict with anyone. However, she had become aware that an old drifter who lived along the river bank was being evicted from areas he had fished for decades moreover, was being taken to court. Mary Jane went to the hearing herself, and, after sentence had been passed, stood and made a few telling remarks to the woman judge. As a result, she spent the night in jail for contempt of court sentence which could hardly have been more deserved in q literal sense. The next day she emerged undaunted and fully prepared to take on the local power sruvcture.

While that establishment was not the most enlightened that could be imagined, its members probably did not set out to be evil and repressive. They had in the past had some conflicts with a gentleman who continued to think that it was all right to drive an army surplus tank down the main street, and this had perhaps decreased their toleration for eccentrics. Then there had been what must have seemed to be an invasion of bohemian artists. While some of the ordinary people in the town [p.7] got on quite well with Ray and his friends, there were others who wanted to keep the town exactly as it had been, and who feared any sort of change. It was true enough that the town, with its narrow streets and old stone water mill was unique and valuable. In fact, no one appreciated this more than the artists who were still standing in the deepening shadows. From the corner outside the gallery one could see the whole line of shops along the main street in one direction, and, in the other, the mill and the rickety iron bridge beyond it.

The only sour note in this tranquil scene consisted in the horrid noises and clouds of noxious smoke spewing out of a car stalled on the bridge. The car, an old red Pinto, was not actually on fire, but, after a few more lurches and backfires, it seemed to surrender to whatever loathsome disease afflicted its innards. It had barely stopped before a burly figure emerged from the passenger door and pushed the car briskly off the bridge.

Instead of stopping at the end of the bridge, the car continued up the gentle grade at a surprising pace with the man pushing it now entirely hidden from the view of those standing outside the gallery. They could see only a young woman steering a car which, instead of complaining loudly at every revolution of the wheels, seemed to have found a capacity for quiet and effortless motion.  It was only when the car came to a stop at the curb that the man behind it stood up and was revealed. He had obviously enjoyed his exertions, and, joined by the woman who got out of the car, he crossed the street to greet his friends with a broad grin. Neither of the erstwhile motorists seemed at all upset at the unhappy state of their car. If anything, they were pleased that it had gotten them as far as it had. Moreover, as they joked about the manner of their arrival, they acted like people who were taking modest pride in a new invention. A mode of automotive transportation in which one person enjoys a pleasant soothing ride with minimal danger of accident while the other takes satisfaction in the healthy exercise of pushing. If one knew even a little about Jim Hoskins and Melanie Findlay, one would also know that she, with equal enthusiasm, would take her turn pushing.

Of course, that was before their names were splashed across every newspaper and television set in the country in such bizarre circumstances. Even then, Hoskins' friends would have allowed that he might have done a good many unusual things, and that some of them could have gone a bit beyond the bounds of art as conventionally defined. Still, whatever happened later, the arrival of Hoskins and Melanie turned out to be the signal that everyone had been unconsciously waiting for to enter the [p.8] gallery. In addition, their presence changed the tone of the group which had been standing under the large sign of the gallery, and which had blended in with the soft pastel colors of the street. It was as if the newcomers had brought a different atmosphere with them, one that could be depicted only with less restrained colors. There was now even less inhibition and, above all, more energy. Energy which, as it turned out, had the potential to move in many unsuspected directions.

A bohemian setting tends to give the art produced a special quality different from that of young artists who have recently graduated from fine arts programs. For one thing, as one would expect, the bohemian artists tend to have a good deal of natural talent. There are none who have limited natural ability but who
have been trained to do respectable work in the style of someone else. Another feature is that their work does not all share a certain family resemblence, something that sometimes happens in art programs, where the students may have the same heroes or take advice from the same instructor. Moreover, while non-academic artists may talk about each other's and their own work constantly, they are usually careful about giving each other advice. There is no one who thinks he can go down a line of studios saying such things as "You might try a yellow wash there," "You need something in the upper right corner to balance it," "You seem to think that strength consists just in bright color," and so on. Of course, even academic artists stop getting that kind of instruction when they graduate, and the division between the two groups often gets smaller as they get older. Still, the difference remains that academic artists have grown up with the idea that, as soon as they finish a work, if not before, people are going to assess what they have done, often rather critically. This does not prevent their sometimes doing things that seem wild and crazy to middle-class consumers of art, but, even then, they are likely to know comparable work that is being done by others across the country, and how their own work relates to it.

On the other hand, people who have largely taught themselves, with perhaps a few courses here and there, are much more likely to depend entirely on their own judgment. They may have worked in isolation for long periods, and they may have gone a long time before they even thought of selling anything. This independence of mind sometimes produces work that would have died an early death in an art academy, but it can lead to something that successfully breaks all the rules.

All artists, even great ones, fail more often than they succeed, but different sorts tend to fail in different ways. With academic artists the failures most often reflect a lack of imagination, either on a particular occasion or in general. Even [p.9] then, their technique and capacity for self-criticism keeps them from ever being confused with the "tourist artists" who lack both imagination and technique. The artists in the group at Ray's gallery varied a good deal in their backgrounds, but they seldom lacked imagination. When they failed, it was generally because the artist had produced something that did not make sense to anyone not sharing his outlook, his experience, or, more often than one might think, his sense of humor. This obscurantism occurs in all areas of art and literature at all but the most simplistic levels, but instructors in art academies tend to fight against it with at least some success. It is the completely untrammelled artist, who worries little whether the
police and courts sympathize with his life style, who may also be rather cavalier with those who do not understand his art.

On this evening the work consisted in large part of night paintings, particularly cityscapes, and there was a theory behind it. There are not, relatively speaking, a great many night paintings in the history of art despite some noteworthy ones by Turner, Van Dongen, Van Gogh, Anquetin, and others. These are all meant to be viewed in sunlight or artificial light while, in the painting, street lights are generally represented with brilliant yellows and moonlight with silver. On this occasion the twist was to represent night with paintings which were themselves to be viewed in the dark and which used luminous paint. As a middle-aged observer of the passing scene who had not met this group all at once before, I got rather confused in the dark and came away with no very clear picture of what was going on. However, on reflection, it seems that there is no reason why paintings have to be viewed in artificial light, particularly if they represent night. Instead, they may as well be allowed to "light themselves." Many new variables were introduced, and it is an idea that may be taken up more widely.

Whatever might be shown, the opening itself was always an event which would be hard to replicate elsewhere. There was a tension in the air that went beyond the presence of Tanya theTorch (who was given to setting fire to things) and a man who had once been a "female" burlesque dancer. These people added color, undoubtedly, but it was the fact that almost everyone present had some sort of mostly controlled and rather diverting craziness that created the atmosphere. In addition, the necessity of periodically turning off the lights to see the luminous art helped along the sort of thing which was more suited to the dark in any case.

Despite what they might say at times, most of the artists in Ray's gallery did not really expect economic success and might have felt uncomfortable if they had achieved it. They were, in fact, living representatives of a tradition which is older even [p.10] than soap-making in Cincinnati, and which has a legitimacy far more solidly based than the fashions that come and go in art. Unlike most of the cities of the midwest, Cincinnati has  tradition of art and music which was transplanted almost intact from South Germany in the years before the civil war by the many settlers of that nationality. After the war there was a "golden age of painting," whose chief luminary, Frank Duveneck, returned to spend some years in Munich. The work being done in Munich a hundred years ago was less exciting that of  Paris, but Duveneck  had more immediate financial, and even critical, success than, say, Monet. Of course, Duveneck's fame declined as Monet's increased, but the fact remains that he was a good painter who founded his own school in Munich, brought it back to Cincinnati, and is still represented with occasional paintings in galleries and museums. If anything else had been needed to solidify a European artistic tradition in Cincinnati, this was it.

Wherever there are reputable painters who can sell to the gentry, there are also disreputable ones living and working in the corners of warehouses. Some of these may even have found it occasionally necessary to support art with a little theft. This had undoubtedly been the case in Munich, where artists and "riffraff" were not altogether exclusive groups. When this other less glorious, tradition came to America, it seems to have cleaned up to the point where there is a low rate of actual crime (as opposed to violation of drug laws and general zany behavior) among even the poorest artists.

Still, uneasiness around the police, an avoidance of the steady jobs which would interfere with art, and a genial willingness to accept poverty remain the cornerstones of this tradition.

A community of bohemian artists is generally at the core of a somewhat larger group of people who may not think of themselves as artists at all. They may begin only with a vague urge to do something unconventional and original. For example, almost all of the "youth aberrations" of the last twenty years, including self-immolators, crazed speed poets, lesbian witches, and gay motorcycle gangs, have been trying, above all else, to achieve a certain style. At the minimum, it is designed to shock parents and the middle class at large, but it cannot be carried very far before it becomes an art form in itself. People of this sort may never take up painting, drawing, or sculpture, but, if their rebellion persists to the age of twenty-five or so, they will come to know some artists and will have a better understanding of the motivation of artists than does the general public. They  also provide a bridge of sorts between the bohemian artists and the rest of the world, and some of them might even buy some pieces if they had any money. As it is, they are patrons of the [p.11] arts to the extent of occasionally buying an artist a drink.

Whether these fringe persons end up in motorcycle gangs or in a succession of part-time jobs, they, like the bohemians, have a recognizable, but less thorough-going, culture of their own. Indeed, as the bohemians stand to them, they stand to a much larger group. There are millions of young people who have been sufficiently influenced by rock music, and everything that goes with it, so that their heroes are musicians. Even on a local level, the glamourous kid is the one in a band, not the athlete or the future business executive, still less the one who wants to be a professional soldier.

These musicians have either popularized, or been themselves, songwriters. That is to say, poets. And, whatever one thinks of their work, there has never in recorded history been such a large audience for poetry. For many young people this is a passing phase, but for a significant proportion it is not, particularly the ones for whom the attractions of working and making money never quite compete with those of music and altered consciousness. Some of them find that, somewhere along the line, they have adopted a basically aesthetic and non-utilitarian attitude toward their own lives. A few move in through the various circles of bohemian life, take up art explicitly, and find themselves in a group such a s that assembled at the Raymond Phynder Gallery on this evening. Once there, they remain a distinct group separate from all the mainstream traditions of art. Their art is more closely connected with the habits and circumstances of daily life, and there is no clear distinction between art, gadgetry, cooking, and carpentry. For example, Hoskins made ornamental knives which could also, as a mere coincidence, be used for slicing green beans. But one of his recipes for stew began with the words, "slice beans with a knife you have made yourself..." While some of these artists, including Hoskins, sometimes turned out highly abstract work, none of them limited themselves to that, as is common for artists in universities.

One cannot look at much of the work of most bohemian artists without coming upon highly personal elements, such as artifacts they have picked up at home or in their neighborhoods, clothes that they have worn, or objects which have some extra-artistic use. Of course, these elements are abundant in the work of many painters. However, for these artists, many of whom are self-taught, they are the very essence of art itself. It is thus there is an easy transition from, say, customizing and individualizing one's motorcycle to the stage where, having accidentally totalled it, one puts it on a pedestal, repaints its twisted members to resemble the limbs of a strange predatory animal, and then calls it art.

[p. 12]
One of the older members of the group, Cockett, had not yet appeared. Rumor had it that he was having dinner at the little country inn next door. Hoskins had talked about him before in the way that he often talked about his friends, a way which seemed paradoxical until one knew a good deal about Hoskins himself.

Most people are romantic enough to have some illusions about their friends. At the least, they are likely to fully recognize and talk about certain weaknesses only in moments of anger onr other kind of insight. Hoskins was not like that. If you were his friend, he unerringly, and quite quickly, came to see those weaknesses, with particular emphasis on the illusions you had about yourself. This was not a highly emotional process on his part, and did not seem to involve any great disillusionment. He knew that there would be those vulnerabilities in others, in the way that he recognized his own, and it was just a matter of marking them down for future reference. He would eventually let the friend know, generally by means of a joke, sometimes in the middle of a workout at the YMCA with a barbell poised in the air. Sometimes those little bolts of insight hurt much more than Hoskins probably realized, but never enough to drive the friend away or permanently alienate him.

Hoskins would also, under certain circumstances, tell one friend of his reservations about another. He had to trust the person not to spread the information foolishly, and he also had to think that he had a need to know.

In the present case he believed that Cockett had friends on the police force. This was an odd objection, since he had friends on the force himself. Moreover, the fact that I did as well did not seem to bother him. As with many of his statements, the real meaning was hidden behind the literal meaning. In retrospect it seems clear that what he meant was that he believed Cockett to be the sort of person who, if he had known about Hoskins' more radical plans, would have told the authorities. Hoskins was thus warning his other friends that, if they were planning anything similar, they should be careful around Cockett.

Hoskins also believed that Cockett's main abilities lay in crafts more than in, say, traditional painting. For him, as much as for anyone in the group, there was little distinction between art and general life style. If one thinks of painting more as an activity worth engaging in for its own sake than as merely a means for the production of valuable objects, the distinction between an hour spent painting and an hour spent eating in a restaurant need make less aesthetic difference than might be thought. If one dresses in a particular way, and behaves in such a way as to produce a certain calculated effect on the other [p.13] diners, one can manipulate as many variables as one could in a painting. One can also express oneself and one can certainly produce a strong effect. There was, for example a Norwegian philosopher who, on entering an expensive restaurant, casually helped himself to a meatball from the plate of a lady he had never seen before. After thanking her, he then proceeded to his table and sat down. While this act may not in itself have qualified as art, it could be compared to a single brush stroke in a painting, and could have been fitted into something larger.

It was this sort of outlook that allowed Hoskins to respect and even admire a man like Cockett for the things that he did and the person that he was in an aesthetic way, quite apart from his assessment of Cockett's art in traditional terms (which were also present in some other realm of Hoskins' consciousness).

It did not take more than a glance at Cockett, sitting at a circular candle-lit table to see that he belonged to the group. With silver hair and an air of elegance and ease, he would have been quite a handsome man in the ordinary way without any special additions of character or personality. On this evening he was dressed in an old-fashioned black suit with a black string tie, and, hanging from a hook nearby, a flat-topped low-crowned black hat. The clothing may have come from rummage sales, but one would never have guessed it from the way he wore it. Whether he realized it or not (and he probably did) , It was a clever way of capitalizing on his age. As an elder in a group which had a strong historical connection with previous generations of bohemian artists, Cockett was one of the few old enough to be the living connection. By dressing as a contemporary of Frank Duveneck he was advertising that fact.

Cockett had the sort of appearance and manner that invites fantasies. In particular, there was an air of authority and command about him even as he smiled, greeted newcomers, and talked animatedly. When Hoskins invited him down to his apartment after the show, the reply came with great precision and studied courtesy.

"That would be extremely nice. I may very well come."

It was as if he were a local ruler carefully making a preliminary decision whether or not to visit an especially deserving village in the next week, a matter which could not be completely decided on the spot without taking account of information not yet available.

If one's imagination balked at the image of Cockett as the ruler of a dozen native villages, one could see him as a judge
in a frontier town of the old west. Possibly a hanging judge [p.14], though the twinkle in his eye as he now presided over a festive dinner suggested that there would be dry witticisms in between death sentences.

A return to reality brought with it the fact that Cockett was accompanied by several decidedly attractive young women. They could have been his daughters or grand-daughters, but one somehow had the feeling that they were not. In any case, following in his wake, they added to the effect as he arrived of the gallery.

Some artists have the inestimable advantage of looking excactly the way people think artists ought to look, and Cockett far surpassed Hoskins in this respect. As he accepted the pleasantries of one person after another, it was easy to suppose that the slight abstraction of his manner was a result of his having his attention fixed on something too subtle and profound to be fully apprehended b y the others. But, for all that, he really was an important model for his younger friends. He had actually lived the life they intended to lead. He knew exactly what the costs were, had paid them gladly, and was now entitled to do a little basking in the local limelight.

Cockett did not pay a great deal of attention to his lady friends, apparently preferring to talk with the other artists. Several times, when he found the conversation of another man interesting, he suggested a stroll outside. The idea of taking a walk in order to have a conversation unimpeded by the noise of a party in itself seemed more characteristic of the last century than the present one, and went well with Cockett's costume. As he walked down the dimly lit street of old store fronts, his
black hat and cane stood out starkly whenever he passed a street light. He might have drunken enough to cause his gestures with his walking stick to be rather exaggerated, but b lent importance and urgency to the remarks he directed  at his younger companion. Then, just before they disappeared. from sight around a corner, there was a brief glimpse of the older man, suddenly immobile with his hand arresting the arm of his companion. In a shaft of light Cockett's white hawk's face was caught in profile as he hammered on the pavement with his stick and shot forth something. Whether i t concerned art, women, or the best sort of whiskey would be hard to say.

Back at the gallery, the young male artists were, for the most part, more interested in talking with each other, and with the female artists, than with those women who were not artists. On the other hand, it was not the sort of party where the women go off with docility and talk of children, cooking, and clothing. There was the feeling that, temporarily ignored though they might be, they would shortly make their presence felt. The women who associate with bohemian artists are quite [p.15] varied, but they do have certain tendencies in common. Almost none, with the exception of a few of the youngest ones, have a groupie mentality. While bohemian artists have a kind of glamour, they are not a very conspicuous element in most cities, and it takes some doing to find them in the first place. In this they are unlike rock musicians, and, even when found, they are not so easy for a woman to approach. If she is not an artist, she must know something about art, and she must learn to be a good model, something which is more difficult than it might appear. In addition to that, she must have a personal style of dress and behavior which is original and which is in some way exciting. Moreover, while she need not be good looking in the ordinary sense, she must have the kind of looks that bespeak character. In short, if an ordinary pretty girl without a great deal in her head decides that she would like to have an affair with such an artist, the chances are that she will either fail completely or come up with a fake. At the least, it will take much more than the little tricks that have worked so well on other men.

 Most women who think it would be romantic and exciting to have an affair with such a man will find that the reality is quite different from their expectations. The men are likely to be highly eccentric and difficult, to feel very comfortable about living in squalor, and to view permanent commitment to a woman  as a kind of madness. Even if the woman accepts all that, she may still find that the artist spends a great deal of  his time on his art, that he pays little attention to her, and that he feels justfied  in starting a casual or serious affair with another woman if he thinks that it will help his work. The women who end up in that world must either themselves be strongly committed to art, or must be so disenchanted with other kinds of men that they have turned to artists as a last resort short of lesbianism. Some, after giving the artists a try, do go on to that last step. Most women who live with "alternative" artists have a clear idea of what they are up against, and have developed ways of making themselves felt.

The first problem is to be taken seriously, and this is accomplished most easily by arranging periodic shocks for the artist. For_example, it may do him a world of good to come home expecting dinner and find a note advising him that it is better to fast on evenings with an orange sunset and that, anyway, she is spending the evening, and possibly the whole night, modelling for another (unspecified) artist. In all truth, the man thus deprived of his friend's cooking and company is likely to take it better than would the average business executive. The woman may have a difficult path to follow, but she also knows that she can occasionally express herself in ways such as [p.16] these. It would probably be the consensus of such women that, while bohemian artists are as sexist as other men, they do tend to be less rigid.

Among the women present on this evening there were two that stood out particularly. One was tiny with perfect miniature features and thick red hair flowing down her back. She had on a long white evening dress and, while not really the most attractive woman present, she was probably t h e one that the newcomer noticed first. A closer look revealed that her dress was almost transparent, and that she had no slip under it. In most social gatherings such attire would probably be resented by other women who would regard it as unfair competition. At the least, they would gather in corners and make fun of the woman whose dress everyone could see through. Here it was perfectly safe. It might be • taken as an unusually direct statement of sexuality, in which case even the women in the group, who all had statements of one kind or another to make themselves, would accept it as such. The men, if excited by her particular style, would be happy to cooperate. But they wouldnot assume that she was any more available than if she had been dressed in jeans and a sweatshirt, like most of the other women.

On the other hand, the young woman's whole costume, from the flowers in her hair to her spiky high heels, might be taken as a sort of joke, perhaps a humorous allusion to the supposed sexual preferences of some of the men present. For that matter, it might be part of a satire in the "camp" tradition which is so much a part of gay society, and, to some extent, the milieu of even heterosexual artists. If so, it was quite good camp. She was dressed in a way that really does go straight to the fantasies of a great many men who would rather not admit it. But, by carrying it off with verve, style, and humor, she ennabled these same men to enjoy it at one level, laugh about it at a second, and yet, at a third, accept it as a kind of minor art which they could applaud and be seen appreciating without feeling as if they had been caught watching a pornographi movie.

It was unfortunate only that Charlene, in her guise as a pre-war movie star, had boxed herself into what was really a silent part, or, at any rate, one that required a Clark Gable for the complementary role. Needless to say, while there were some interesting men present, none had that larger-than-life gallantry which disappeared even from the movies decades ago. As a result, she was reduced to practising walking in a precise line along t h e narrow floor boards. Putting each dainty foot precisely in front of the other, she swayed slightly from one side to another to keep her balance while making barely audible [p.17] clicks with her heels.

Many of the men had Charlene in the corner of their eye, but most were more interested in talking with Hoskins who, in turn, paid no attention to her. Even though he was a competing center of attraction, he did not have his own style in the sense that Cockett did, something that immediately caught the eye. Most of his clothing, for example, was strictly utilitarian. Although he did have a favorite cap, a hat, and a T-shirt with a picture of a quasi-human gorilla under which was written "Don't hassle this animal," even these were chosen for whimsical or humorous reasons without much intention of constructing a total image. On this night, in contrast to Charlene, he stood still in a corner while people milled around him. He attracted both men and women without being particularly handsome, without telling funny stories, or in any way trying to be the life of the party. He did look strong and healthy, but it was mainly the way he smiled. There was more than a touch of good-natured evil there. It made you think that you were in communication with someone unusual who would somehow use highly unorthodox methods to make life around him a little more interesting.

The third center of attraction operated in an even more subtle way. Since she was dressed in the most subdued, even drab, way imaginable, one might have overlooked Jean entirely had she not been six feet tall. In a longish skirt and high-necked blouse of nondescript dark colors, her clothing looked as if it had come out of someone's attic. But, because of her oldfashioned and poverty-stricken appearance, together with definite tilt to her chin, one could easily picture her as the sort of woman who might have sat talking to one of the impressionists in a cheap Paris cafe in the nineties. Despite the unostentatiousness of her dress as compared to that of Charlene, she seemed to know that, however hard she appeared to try to hide her light, her beauty would nevertheless shine forth all the more brilliantly.

It was obvious to anyone that Jean would have made a perfect mistress for an artist. Intelligent and sensitive, but remote and abstracted, the artist could puzzle over her face endlessly while sitting opposite her in cafes. He would also watch her expression while making love to her, and, after some considerable time, he would decide that he was ready to take her as his model. A similar woman was once painted by both Manet and Albert Marquet, sitting on a couch with just a black velvet ribbon around her neck. This traditional symbol of prostitution was also, in the circumstances, a mark of elegance entirely appropriate to the woman's face. Of course, this particular model was probably not really a prostitute, any more [p.18] than was Jean. Even so, the symbol was not entirely misplaced. Such women are so rare, and so necessary to an artist of a certain sort, that no one man can expect to possess her exclusively for very long. Demanding sexual faithfulness of her would be as silly as demanding it of a prostitute. The wise artist who is lucky enough to find someone like Jean enjoys her while he can.

The artist's mistress usually appears in one painting after another in many kinds of costume and situation as he tries to capture her fascination for him. An impressionist might never have gotten beyond fairly conventional poses, because • of the limited conception of women at the time. However, if an artist of the sort present at the gallery had taken Jean as a lover, there would have been an added twist. She might appear as a Madonna with the infant Jesus in one arm and a flame thrower in the other, attacking Vietnamese children. Or a s an expensively dressed executive in a sumptuous office, dictating a letter to one secretary while another assists her in giving birth to her baby. Or she might end up with her features twisted so strangely out of shape in an abstract painting that only the artist would understand. But, whatever series of artists worked their will on her, and whatever succession of poses she might be subjected to, Jean would endure all and emerge just as enigmatic as before.

By now the gallery was full of people who had given themselves over to intoxication, not so much of drink but of the atmosphere they themselves had created. Jean, seemingly unattached, went quietly from group to group with her skirt flowing after her and her head bobbing up above the crowd. As with Charlene, none of the men wanted to be seen making too much of a woman, and none followed her around. Part of the reason was, of course, that a good many of them were with women who might be jealous of Jean. But, more than that, male bohemian artists seem to know by instinct that the women will come to them of their own accord, and that it is a tactical mistake to court them. But that did not mean that they were not acutely conscious of Jean, and that many of the men were not trying to guess whether she was engaged for the evening. If there was to be a lucky man, i t was not easy to tell by watching Jean's face. She approached everyone in a sympathetic and interested way, with just a little play of expression on her lovely placid features. But there was never any show of real excitement. Rather, she conducted conversations in a rather Victorian way, as if she were briskly performing pleasant duty by briefly making contact with everyone present. Sooner or later one of two things would happen. Some man would wander by and make an apparently offhand or bantering [p.19] approach, which would actually be very serious indeed. Or else Jean would find some way of indicating who it was who really interested her. Such a move might not have any extreme sexual implications, but, even if it did not, almost any man would be greatly flattered. In the end it was Jean who chose. When Melanie went to the bathroom, Jean immediately broke off her conversation and moved quickly but without apparent haste to Hoskins with her head held high. He was still talking with a couple of other men, so, whatever she said, it must have been discreet. However, there was no disguising the look on her face as she spoke laughingly to him. It was hard to imagine how anyone could refuse.

Watching from a distance, one could not hear what Jean said to Hoskins, but the other men were sufficiently impressed to stop falking and look at one another. The problem would obviously be Melanie's presence. Perhaps he would make a date with Jean for some other time, but it even seemed possible that he would go home, wait until Melanie had gone to bed, and then go out again. It was not for some time that another man, probably out of curiosity, referred to Jean, talking with Hoskins, tactfully remarking how attractive she was. He replied with a definite shake of his head.

"She's gone downhill in recent years. I think she drinks too much."

Since Hoskins disapproved of drinking anything stronger than herb tea, this had to be taken with a grain of salt.

"You mean a glass of wine a day? It certainly doesn't show on her face . "

"Well, there's something wrong. I'm sure of it."

With that, he changed the subject and, as far as could be seen, turned his back forever on a woman few men would have refused.

A t the time it was a mystery to some of his friends how Hoskins could so easily reject women like Jean in favor of the rather unglamourous Melanie. Especially since he had other women anyway and could have added one more. This instance was not a n isolated one. Once a young man was having tea with Hoskins in his apartment when he noticed a photograph of a nun in full habit across which was written, "To Jim, with love." When he was told that it was a picture of Melanie, whom he had heard of but never met, he was a bit shocked. He was, after all, a nice young man. Still, he recovered quickly and moved to the [p.20] next concern of a healthy youth, and wanted to know whether the picture did Melanie justice. Hoskins, quickly reading his real question, replied,

"She's not good looking. I've never been interested in looks particularly."

Thus, while it may be true that h e liked the way Melanie looked, or even saw something beautiful in her on occasion, he seemed not to have had any illusions on that score, or to have seen something that others did not.

Part of the reason for this seeming indifference to something  that few men ignore has turned up since. According to some of his long-time acquaintances, it is not true that he never cared about looks in women. More likely, he had had so many beautiful women in the past that they no longer had any special mystique for him, at which point he came to prefer other qualities. But there is more to it than that.

It is clear that Hoskins was always preparing for something, and that he deemed it necessary to grow ever stronger. He, like others in his circle, believed that life was always ready to produce a crisis. Since the crisis would probably be physical in part, the physical conditioning was an essential ingredient, but should only be a part of some larger quasi-spiritual program of self-improvement.

If a man is really committed to such a program, it is bound to influence his choice of women, and it becomes easier to see why Hoskins might have come to prefer women like Melanie to beautiful ones. It is an old idea, going back at least to the story of Samson and Delilah, that a beautiful woman is likely to weaken a man. Moreover, even if the man has precisely this danger in mind, he is still likely to do things for a beautiful woman that he would not do for a plain one. He is thus likely to be distracted from his program of strengthening himself. This may be true even if the woman, like Jean, seems to offer herself with no conditions. Later on, when she finds how little time and attention is left over for her, the conditions will appear. That is, unless she simply wanders away.

Since having a beautiful woman is likely to decrease, on the average, the number of bench presses that a man does, so surprising that Hoskins reacted to Jean as he did. In contrast to Melanie's triumphant healthfulness, Jean represented, at least to him, some bad habits which, in any involvement, might have a negative influence on him. Perhaps he also sensed that her beauty would bring with it problems which would distract him in an even more fundamental way.

Melanie, on the other hand, was a positive boon to almost [p.21] anyone's program of self-improvement. Toward the end, they had weights set up in their apartments, and, after a long day of teaching school, she thought nothing of coming home and undertaking bench presses, inclined presses, dumbbell pullovers, curls, and hundreds of situps and leg lifts. It is much easier to do these things oneself if someone else is doing them alongside, and Jean hardly seemed the type for that. As if that were not enough, Melanie shared Hoskins' strong interests in the theory and history of oriental martial arts, and could summon up a certain amount of enthusiasm for virtually anything that came into his head. In retrospect, all this seems a little too good to be true on the part of Melanie. Granted that she was a physical person who enjoyed using her muscles, and even tearing the occasional telephone book in half, there must have been times when she would have preferred simply to rest. While Hoskins would not have been unreasonable about that, he was not likely, in the grip of one of his many projects, to have realized that Melanie might have been pushing herself too hard while being reluctant to say anything. He was not the sort of man to voice a woman's thoughts if she did not say anything herself, at least if those thoughts might turn out to be inconvenient. There are not, in fact, many men who would do that, and almost none who live as precariously as Hoskins did.

[p.22] BLANK

  

Chapter 2
[p.23]

Washington Park

Even now that Hoskins has been dead some time, his memory continues to pop up in odd places, and this is only partly because of the manner of his death. That was, indeed, spectacular enough. The police chief of Cincinnati concluded his investigation by saying that Hoskins had clearly been a dangerous terrorist. This conclusion was based on the arsenal of guns he kept in his apartment, his poisoned bullets, and his equipment for making silencers and land mines. Above all, the police chief and his advisory group of prominent citizens were probably impressed by the fact that Hoskins' notes contained a list of some of these same prominent citizens whom he had  apparently proposed to kill.

While none of this can be denied, there is a more important fact. Whatever Hoskins did on that night in the October of 1980, he was more of an artist than a terrorist, and, indeed, even his brief career as a terrorist probably grew out of his experience as an artist.

One usually does not expect artists to b e terrorists, or vice-versa, but Hoskins was not easily pigeon-holed, even by people who were used to bohemian artists. Most of his friends, while admitting that there was a great deal that they did not know about him when he was alive, still found it a little hard to picture him as a terrorist. Some "terrorists" are merely people who have held up banks and have some vague idea that it may help them to escape if they take hostages. But the real heavy-duty terrorist is part of a closed group of fanatics who take literally the ravings of some ideologist who may well have had too much common sense to get caught with a gun. Either that, or they see themselves as having some patriotic or quasi-religious claim on some bit of land, often almost worthless, from which they or their ancestors have been driven. Whatever their ideology, they have little patience, little capacity fo reflection, and rather more nervous energy than is good for them. Then, in a final burst of naivite, they get the idea that it will help to blow something up, kill someone, or cheerfully machine-gun a crowd of Christmas shoppers.

Hoskins was not like that. He was highly reflective, had prepared for years, and acted absolutely alone. He belonged to no radical or subversive organization, and did nothing to cause [p.24] anxiety to his friends on the police force. To the extent that he had an ideology, it was bound up with his life as an artist, and had much more to do with aesthetics than politics. If one must see him as a terrorist, he was one of a kind not found in Europe or the Middle East. A solitary man who decided to undertake, for reasons largely unknown, "a guerilla war against mankind in general."

It should already be obvious enough that Hoskins had a personality which cannot be adequately described in a briefaccount such as this. However, since his path ran back and forth through one of the most interesting hidden corners of American life, and finally to such a strange death, it is appropriate for such survivors as myself to set forth their memories. If these are then made the basis for a little modest speculation, it wil be possible to say something about that path and the sorts of people who lay along it. It will even be tempting to venture some guesses as to the way in which it approached its end, though this part remains obscured in an almost impenetrable fog. The rest is, as they say, history.

In this case the history, in the shape of national television and virtually every newspaper in the country, is rather puzzling. Hoskins' last public statement (which was also his first) was a social and political one protesting the conditions of the poor in his neighborhood. Since he lived in one of the poorest parts of the city, there was plenty to complain about. The media thus pictured Hoskins as a man with an extremely strong bottled up social concern who finally, after countless frustrations, found that it could be communicated only in an extremely forceful way. The trouble is that few who knew Hoskins thought that he was much interested in politics, revolution, or any sort of social change. On the contrary, he seemed to revel in the fullness of life and unpredictability of emotion which was so much a part of his surroundings. He had, in fact, adjusted so well that it was difficult to imagine him living anywhere else. There is thus an enigma, and the answer, if there is one, must be sought both in the singular character of an unusual man and in the life of an old-fashioned city neighborhood.

When people ask what someone was really like, there are many things which they may have in mind. Sometimes they  wonder how the person passed his time when he was not at a party, making an effort to be good company, or in the grip of a sudden enthusiasm. Partcularly in the case of someone who exuded as much energy as Hoskins, they wonder whether he was like that all the time, or when no one else was around. While such questions are, in the nature of the case. hard to answer, it seems that Hoskins had relatively little middle ground between "on" and "of" positions. He did spend hours at night in [p.25] his apartment, physically relaxed and heavily engaged in marijauna, a drug whose effect on him was to dissociate him from the world.

Even the next morning, he would often apologize for being out of touch and in a process of recovery. On the other hand, however he may have felt, it always appeared that he made a major effort t o rouse himself and, if anything, succeeded a little too well. Exercise was good for him because it absorbed a bit of that extra steam and brought out the side that reasoned so well and was so good at analyzing the complexities of anything from Asian martial arts to relations between the sexes. Not surprisingly, some of the most interesting things he said were spoken while running. It was enough to bring him down to earth, but, the way he did it, not enough to preclude thought and conversation.

Another part of the question, "What was he like, really?", amounts to, "What would it have been like to meet him?" That, of course, depends on who you are. Almost anyone could have walked into the weight room of the Central YMCA and met Hoskins. He was virtually a host or ambassador. He might have introduced himself and the others present, and he would have been happy to explain the equipment or go in search of a missing dumbbell or plate. Behind that affability and helpfulness there would have been a quite shrewd process of assessment. He wanted to know, first, whether you knew what you were doing on the physical level. If you seemed to know soething about, say, boxing,he would listen with attention, and watch you hit the bag. He might well pretend to know less than he did. That was to find out if you were an opinionated know-it-all who, despite having some information or technique, were not capable of, or interested in, learning anything new. If so, he would finish watching and listening, make his own assessment of you privately, and go away. If, on the other hand, you seemed interesting and reasonable, he would converse at length. If he later thought that your abilities and knowledge dove-tailed with his own, he would offer to work out with you.

Even if you were not strong enough, knowledgeable enough, or were too concerned about injury to be of much use to Hoskins on the physical level, he might still take up with you on some other level. Here, too, there were some tests which were applied so smoothly that people did not know they were being tested. If you had any arrogance about you, whether based on wealth or professional status, superior moral qualities, or intellectual accomplishment, you might find yourself being led on. He was capable of pretending to be almost anything from a heroin addict to the exiled Prince of Romania if the occasion demanded it and someone took the bait.

 [p.26]
If, however, you did not have that special kind of pretentiousness that bothered Hoskins so much, it was easy to pass his tests. Most people did. You did not have to be exceptional in any direction for him to be consistently friendly and reasonably sympathetic. He was too inner directed and private to go much out of his way to help many people very much, but others sensed this fact, and did not make inordinate demands.

He made no bones about being much more interested in his own projects than those of anyone else, and one consequence was that he had few problems with those unfortunates who are lonely and need the company of others a bit more than others need them. In short, those who are known as bores. Although he did not laugh at or put them down, highly vulnerable people, whether male or female, tended to stay well clear of him. Thus, even though it seemed at times that he knew half of Cincinnati, there was something in him which practically guaranteed that, if he didn't want to know you, you didn't want to know him.

I first met Hoskins one night in the December of 1978 at a workout of the University of Cincinnati Judo Club. I had come, not to participate, but to officially rejoin the club after an absence of a couple of years, and to pay my dues for the following quarter. It also seemed a good opportunity to look over the competition I would meet when the club resumed its workouts after the Christmas holiday. There would be, in addition to the beginners, some tough young athletes who would not know the meaning of pain, and who would spare no effort to throw a stranger to the mat and pin him there.

As I had expected, most of the participants had a tendency to stare straight ahead without saying anything, and the most uninhibited one was Hoskins. He was thirty-nine at the time, and, like myself, was much older than the others. Moreover, af six feet and 220 pounds, he looked slow and overweight. He was also friendly and willing to talk, a tendency which, in that environment, often signified weakness. If you can make friends with someone before you work out with him, he may not try to hurt you later when he has the chance. Here, thought I, was someone I wouldn't have any trouble beating.

Almost everything in that first impression was false, and could have been dangerously misleading. In a surprisingly shor time Hoskins got rid of his extra weight and, when the club resumed its workouts, the young students seemed rather tame compared to him. While he might smile and joke, he practicaly ripped some arms out of their sockets as he yanked people over his head and landed them on the mat. It often happened that these throws were not precise enough to get full points, and he would then exercise his option of folowing the man down and trying for a choke hold. On those occasions an escape had to be [p.27] made quickly, if at all. Once those strong hands and wrists closed around some hapless neck, there was not much the victim could do but give up. Of course, Hoskins had only been at it a few months and knew very little about judo, but it made much less difference than one would have thought.

It was only gradually that it became clear that his rudimentary knowledge of judo was just the tip of the iceberg, and that, during many street fights over more than twenty years, he had used almost every imaginable technique. He was quite willing to share this knowledge, and, in the following months, we started working out in the Central YMCA, which was near Hoskins' apartment. Since he was a powerful and original artist, and I had always had a strong interest in many kinds of art, we had plenty to talk about. Thus, what with exercise periods, drawing and art sessions, hikes in the woods, etc., came to know him reasonably well in the last two years of his life.

Hoskins' life and death were both bound up with his neighborhood in a close and unusual way. His death, particularly,  was a neighborhood event which happened to eclipse the others in scale and style, and which, uncharacteristically, produced waves and ripples far beyond. It is therefore worth pausing to examine that neighborhood in some detail.

The center, both geographically and spiritually, is Washington Park, a small flat tree-lined park lying half-way between Hos-kins' apartment and the YMCA. It is now a place where life abounds in the raw, but it has not always been such. At one time, in the middle of the last century, Cincinnati was truly the gateway to the west, a staging point for traffic along the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, a steamboat building center, and a hub for the networks of railroads spreading west. The entrepreneurs and merchants who profited from this wave of progress built moderate sized but rather stately homes on the flat ground adjoining the downtown business district. They did not neglect to construct a monumental red brick concert hall in which the symphony still plays, and a park was provided across from its front door.

Washington Park, one block wide and two long, must once have been the last word in urban elegance with its central bandstand and statuary, the paths leading out symmetrically ,and its great trees. It would be still if its regular patrons did not include drunks, criminals, and prostitutes of every race, sex, and persuasion. The crime is mostly petty, but there is the occasional stabbing, sometimes more or less by accident, and policemen seldom enter a t night. When a body is reported on the sidewalk, the driver of the ambulance has been known to drive slowly along the curb, and even up on the sidewalk for a better look. If he sees liquid spreading from the body, in the [p.28] form of urine released from the relaxed muscles of the newly dead, he may then speed of without ever stopping his vehicle. While life is not exactly cheap in Washington Park, it is not as expensive as elsewhere. Still, the degeneration of this area, like that of the city surrounding it, has been gradual, and not without touches of grace and humor.

Those of us who lived around the park knew most of its regulars either by name, by habit, or by some peculiarity. There was the large white man with the red beard who stood alone for hours every day nodding, laughing, and talking into space. He seemed happy, seemed to have plenty to say, and gave little hint as to whether his underlying problem was alcohol, drugs, or hopelessly snarled wiring in his brain. Some said that he believed himself to be a radio, and that some peculiar noises he made were meant to be static. There was also Lester, an extremely small but mean-looking black man who addressed everyone as "chief", and who never stopped moving any part of his body while he talked. Somewhat less sane was Ricky, a fortyish gentleman who wore an Uncle Sam suit together with a baseball cap to which had been glued cardboard wings, as of Mercury. Often encountered singing in front of buildings, some
thought that he sang at them and worshipped them. In any case, he was convinced that the whole city survived at his pleasure,and that he himself had caused the small earthquake which had recently passed through. He liked to confide in Hoskins, who, in turn, urged him not to tell the social workers about his secret powers. They couldn't handle such potent stuff, said Hoskins. And then there was Bertrand.

Bertrand was discovered by a young artist who was fixing up an abandoned house fronting on the park. The artist, Mike, was by this time used to the area. He had, among other things, hired a hard-bitten little woman who took it upon herself to follow winos who had stolen tools and get them back, with physical force when necessary. Mike had a number of convenient categories in which he placed people. There were, for example, "heavy-duty incestual hillbillies", "cats completely crazed by Mad Dog" (Mogen David MD 20/20), and "glue sniffers who had had an intense experience." Bertrand fitted into none of these. An elderly and thoroughly gay indigent of Chinese descent who had lived in abandoned buildings for as long as anyone could remember, Mike found him in the building he had bought. As became a Cincinnatian, he let Bertrand, whose street name was "Tippytoes", continue to live there, and gave him a little work now and then. One night, when Bertrand got back after the building was locked, he had to spend the night in an alley. Th next day he complained to Mike about "the inconvenience having to spend a night away from home." Mike then had a [p.29]  duplicate key cut for him. And so Bertrand had his first key in many years, thus raising him to a status above that of the others with whom he daily went through the garbage cans looking for a "downtown lunch."

Hoskins seemed to be the only absolute teetotaler anywhere around Washington Park. He said alcohol made him sick, and and added, irelevantly enough, that he hated drunks anyway. Perhaps he did in sóme deep metaphysical sense, but he as polite and friendly to the winos on the street. Of course, he sometimes put them on gently, as when he told one that he couldn't stop to talk because he had to get right home to his mother. With Hoskins there was often a double joke. In this case, it was the faet that his mother did live in the same building, and might actually have been expecting him on that accasion.

Looking down on the sidewalk from one of his two bay windows, Hoskins could see the winos as they gathered in front of the store which sold their treasured Mad Dog along with such other favorites a s Thunderbird, Ripple, Annie Green Springs, and Bali Hai. He himself did a quite. convincing imitation of what he called the "twelfth street shuffle", and taught it tovisitors. The secret was to stagger backwards groping blindly for support with one's hands while keeping one's eyes fixed firmly on a particular spot.  As another diversion, he often led his visitors to the bay window to watch and listen to the men and women on the street below. Sometimes, one would approach another wielding a broken bottle and shout, "I'll kill you, you son of a bitch", but only fall into the other's arms in an embrace. Occasionally they really did fight, but not often, since a wino occupied in a fist or knife fight was likely to have hisMad Dog plucked from his hip pocket by a bystander.

While the winos constituted the most conspicuous group in the neighborhood, they were only one element among many. It is hard to imagine any area of comparable size containing more diferent sorts of people, and Hoskins was nearly unique in his ability to communicate with all of them. In fact, he was a sort of living bridge, not only between the different sub-culture of his neighborhood, but between them and the outside world. This  last role came about partly because of his work as an artist, but even more because of his long-time membership in the nearby YMCA, an institution of many curiosities.

One peculiarity at the Y was the fact that, in a society oriented toward youth, it took its tone from the older men who had belonged for many years, and who were, without any conscious deliberation, accorded a good deal o f respect of an informal and sometimes irreverent sort. In addition to being humorous and fun to be around, they were much less judgmental than the people who set the tone in an organization usually are. [p.30] Moreover, unlike some of the younger people at the suburban Y's, they stayed clear of petty intrigues themselves and discouraged that tendency in others. Hoskins was much too young to be counted as one of them, but he, like others, profited from their calming influence.

Another feature of the Y was that it represented the interface of the Washington Park district with the downtown business district in several different ways. On the geographical level it had one side lying along a main street with fast traffic. A bemused wino with less than complete lateral control of his feet crossed there only at his peril. The back of the Y, on the other hand, cozied up to a building with an unusual name and a kind of off-beat attractiveness, the Alcoholics' Drop-Inn Center. A converted garage, the clients there were bedded down for the night on wall-to-wall mattresses, given something to eat, and then turned out into the gray early light. When some of them urinated against the back wall of the Y, it was perhaps a territorial gesture, their way of claiming part of it for their neighborhood.

 In addition to forming a physical barrier between two districts, the massive old building also had a social line of demarcation dividing most of the lower floors from the lobby and the upper residential floors. These latter were mostly populated by elderly men quite different from the ruddy healthy-looking ones who presided over the locker r o o m s of the so-called "physical department." While a few of the the residents retainemd some self-respect, most looked terribly defeated and despirited. These hung around the lobby in clouds of cigaret smoke, often giving way to horrible hacking coughs. Once on the street, many looked more or less like Bertrand and the men from the Drop-Inn Center.

  The men who daily passed through the groups of residents to the swinging doors of the physical department were from a different world. Even here, there was considerable range of occupation, but almost everyone belonged to the economically priced Business Men's Club. Most of the members, like Hoskins, were not businessmen on any large scale, if at all, but the club did include the police chief and some presidents of companies. If they had anything in common, i t was that everyone looked younger than he was, in sharp contrast to the residents and men of the neighborhood, who almost all looked older than they were.

However, while there was little mixing between the physical culture exponents and the residents, the latter, and the neighborhood as a whole, exerted an influence that was tatooed on the walls of even the physical department. For one thing, that walk through the clumps of indigents in the lobby was enough [p.31] to put one in the proper frame of mind, and to make one wonder if the YMCA newsletters, so full of those wholesome family activities, could really emanate from the building.
Despite the fears of some neighborhood leaders, even the extensive remodelling that later took place did not convert the Y into a "luxury health spa for the rich." If the mouldy old walls and steam pipes with crumbling insulation had not been enough, the management hired one of the residents, Mack, as the life-guard. A rather sweet old man, he looked as if he could not possibly have saved anyone, even to the extent of throwing a life preserver. After opening the pool, he would move his bulk laboriously down a ladder, where he lay still in the water for twenty minutes or so. Then, just barely heaving himself up again, he would sit in a chair the rest of the day, conversing in snatches of a few words with swimmers as they finished laps and pushed off again. He died alone in his room one night, and was a subject of conversation for a day or two.

The essence of the Y was to be found in the basement on any weekday morning. In addition to the weight-lifting equipment, there were chinning bars, boards for sit-ups, pulley machines, three punching bags, and a wrestling mat. Late in the afternoon, the after-work people crowded in and set weights moving in all directions with human grunts, mechanical groans from the quipment, and alarming crashes as heavy weights were dropped. But, in the mornings, the gym was thinly populated and the relaxed atmosphere suggested that this was really an alternative to the world of work.
\
Some of the men there did work on schedules that allowed them their mornings free, but, even so, the majority seemed not to work in any full-blooded way, either literally or in some broader or more spiritual sense.  Some people like Sam, a recently retired professional football player, and Steve, a psychology graduate student, were between jobs or programs, and had rather vague and uncertain plans. Others worked a bit here and there now and then, and managed to get along in that fashion. Another man in his mid-thirties said it was his principle to "work a while, study a while, and play a while", apparently with no end to the cycle in sight. A few had managed t o get hold of rather lucrative positions which demanded very little time and work, and a couple were independently wealthy.

There were also the retired men who came to the gym in much the way that they had formerly gone to work. Like the younger men, they tended to think of their bodies as extremely subtle machines whose functioning it was important to keep improving as long as possible. Since even a man in his seventies could train himself to lift a heavier weight in a particular position, or improve his game of handball, a sense of optimism [p.32] and a feeling of steady progress overcame the rather depressing physical atmosphere. For most of the older men work was not a dirty word, but one did not have the feeling that many of them regretted their retirement from it.

Hoskins himself had had some jobs, including one with the Internal Revenue Service, but, over the years, the only thing he had worked at consistently was his art. Although he had considerable ability as a painter, and in other directions, he never received very much recognition. This was partly because he did so little to push or sell his work, and partly because his notion of art included so many things, such as Dadaist happenings, which were unsaleable in the nature of the case. Thus, however much energy he put into his "projects", which might range anywhere from painting to making an ornamental knife for slicing carrots, he was widely perceived as not working at all.

In addition to having ambivalent attitudes about work, a good number of the men had had their difficulties with marriage that other packaged solution to s o many human problems.Again, Hoskins fitted in easily. He had been separated from his wife a good many years, and, having had many affairs in the meantime, he now seemed to be quite comfortable - with Melanie. But even that arrangement was a long way removed from conventional marriage, and, well as they got along, one was not sure that he felt any very definite long-term commitment.

Still, whatever problems might have been left outside the Y, Hoskins gave the impression of one who is pleased with the progress he is making. On the physical level, he always seemed to be running more laps, lifting more weights, or adding another fifty sit-ups to his regimen. It was easy to assume that the other aspects of his life were pursued with equal vigor and success. In view of this almost overwhelming picture of strength and joy, it would have seemed petty and poor-spirited to ask what he lived on.

While the Y was in many ways a happy retreat from some of the sorrows of the world, there were minor disturbances to the tranquility of life even there. For the past month a pipe in the ceiling had been leaking onto the corner of the mat, with the water running off and forming a pool by one of the pulley machines. The steady dripping and the inability of the staff to fix the leak had been the subject of a certain amount of humor. However, when a section of plaster had fallen off the ceiling, people began getting upset. After all, this was a home away from home, and some of the men were more sensitive about any new sign of serious deterioration in theY than they would have been in their official homes.

Almost everyone had complained to the management. but [p.33], each time, it resulted only in a workman's coming downstairs, looking dolefully up at the ceiling, and then going away again. On the morning when another part of the ceiling was discovered littering the mat with yet more chunks of soggy broken plaster, Sam had remarked, "It's a good thing Chicken Little doesn't work out here. It would confirm his worst suspicions." 

Now, a month later, injury had been added to insult. Instead of finally fixing the leak, the staff had come, apparently in the dark of the night, and constructed a wall of plywood and two-by-fours which extended from the pulleys, up onto the mat, across a good portion of it, and then off it again. Behind the wall could be heard the water, dripping even faster than before and accumulating in a large pool before seeping down into whatever was below. It made it impossible for us to play judo without risk of throwing each into or over the wall, and even wrestling would be difficult.

When the wall was first seen, a little knot of men had gathered. As usual at the Y, there was a mixture of those whose speech was largely profane and those who went years at a time without taking the name of the Lord, or anyone else, in vain. This difference of style probably bothered the former more than the latter, but it did not interfere with communication about an important matter like this.

"Jesus, what the fuck is that?"

"I wonder what my wife would say if I built a wall around a leak in our bathroom."


"They told me upstairs that they couldn't fix the leak. This is permanent."

"Who the fuck ever heard of a permanent leak? What are those assholes doing with our money?"

"It comes from the whirlpool bath upstairs. They can't get to the pipe without tearing out the whole bath, and I guess they don't feel like that."


The collective mood of the half dozen men then took on a slightly paranoiac tinge. The people who used the whirlpool bath were, in their imaginations, a different and more privileged group, no doubt wealthier and more influential, while those in the basement were being deprived of their rights so as not to inconvenience them. I felt a bit uneasy at this. All our memberships included the bath, and Hoskins and I used it ourselves  whenever, in wrestling, we had tried to twist each other's limbs [p.34] in ways nature had not intended. He seemed to have forgotten. Then his whole face lit up happily as another of his schemes
took control of him.

"I know what we need. A duck pond. I'll get some big white plastic ducks and put them in the pool behind the fence. Then you guys can lean over the fence and throw popcorn to them. We can invite all the neighborhood kids in, give them popcorn to throw to the ducks, take pictures..."

He was off again, and the others knew from experience that this might only be the beginning. He would scour flea markets for ducks, and any downtown department store that happened to have a duck in its window-display might find that Hoskins, using a combination of charm and audacity, had made off with it. This train of thought was broken only when Sam challenged him to the daily weight competition that they had been carrying on for some months.

These began with bench presses, and one expected Sam, at six-five and 255, to almost effortlessly push heavily laden barbells off his chest into the air, at least until he got down to the ninth or tenth repetition. What was surprising was that Hoskins, weighing fifty pounds less, could press the same bar, perhaps seven or eight times. He obviously enjoyed being able to compete, and would keep trying, amid shouts of encouragement, until the bar would rise no more and others had to grab it before he lost control. His best exercise was wrist curls, an odd procedure in which one is seated with hands on knees, facing up, and one lets the bar down almost to the finger tips before lifting it up again onto the knees. He did this easily with 250 pounds, more than Sam used.

Since there was no longer any room for judo, we next got into our wrestling position. Neither of us knew what he was doing, but Hoskins had gotten the idea and had persuaded a former college heavyweight wrestler to teach us. The man had not wrestled for some time, even though he ran and played racketball regularly. After five minutes of instruction, Hoskins quickly pinned him to the mat. Then, another former college wrestler, Mike, had come around. An interesting young man who shamefacedly sold furniture of inferior quality and beauty in a department store, he regularly attended a church where every other parishioner was an old lady.Perhaps for a change in company, h e seemed to enjoy working out with us, and was amused rather than upset by Hoskins' strength. He had difficulty, however, in getting Hoskins to roll onto his stomach, a wrestler's automatic response to trouble. He instead rolled onto his back, a position in which he could have been pinned if he [p.35] had not been so strong. His many years' experience in street fighting had made him constitutionally incapable of turning his back to an opponent, and he pointed out that, even lying on his back, he could do all manner of vicious things. Mike nicknamed him "Brutus", and, shaking his head at this apparently incurable wrestling sin, remarked,

"I guess he's used to a contest where there isn't any referee."

Now, as we were about to start, I was amused to hear Hoskins say, as always when Mike was absent,

"Let's not go for pins, but for submission holds."
Starting on the bottom, I slapped the mat twice to begin. No matter what I did or how quickly I tried to move, he always got my right ankle. It was not, on the whole, a terribly good feeling to have the leg one needed for almost any manoeuver held up high in the air, particularly when Hoskins was trying to do something to one's neck with the other hand. However, our inexperience was such that, if one just kept struggling, an opportunity would eventually present itself. As often, he wound up on his back, and, applying a little judo, we tried to choke each other. We were seldom able to do this and ended up in what he called a "hillbilly standoff." Only once in those months was I able to force him to give up, while, on the contrary, he had many times applied on my long arms a kind of armlock that seemed to come naturally to him. It was in judo that I had a slight advantage over Hoskins, who knew even less than I. However, by the time that the leak in the ceiling was eventually repaired and the wall taken away, we had both come to prefer the more elemental art of wrestling.

Hoskins' attitude toward exercise, like his attitude toward many things, was more complex than that of almost everyone else. There were at least three elements in it, all of which interacted in various ways and produced his changing and often violent enthusiasms for one form of activity or another. At one level was the sheer joy of movement and muscular exertion. This was spontaneous and infectious in its childlike lack of inhibition. At another level was the potential application of theactivity to street fighting and unarmed combat in general. If one knew only a little about Hoskins, one might easily get the idea, at least in retrospect, that he expended this energy in an effort to prepare himself for a career in terrorism. In fact, there was more to it than that, and there was an underlying theory which he was attempting to verify. The theory was based on T'ai Ch'i, a Chinese art which [p.36] Hoskins took to be basic and primary. In a way it was Indian-wrestling writ large. The idea was to so position and manoeuver the body that, whatever tactic one's opponent resorted to, one's weight remained centered between one's feet. Thus, in response to a thrust or attack, it was necessary to "empty out" the mid-section or other area attacked without disturbing one's balance.This meant moving it out of the way, but moving other parts of the body in the opposite direction to compensate. Having  mastered the practice of T'ai Ch'i, together with its hard style and combative correlate, K'ung Fu, Hoskins took up judo because it seemed to him something to which the theory of T'ai Ch'i could be extended. Since "judo" literally means "gentle way" and great emphasis is placed on giving way in order to bring an opponent off balance and throw him, this expectation appeared to be justified. However, he quickly found out that, in practice, judo involves a great deal of matching strength seemed to him wrong in theory, and he set to work to devise variations of judo throws which would depend only on theemptying out motions of T'ai Ch'i.

In the books which Hoskins had on T'ai Ch'i there were also metaphysical and even mystical passages. Remaining centered allows one to keep one's chest expanded and full of breath, or ch'i. This ch'i was also viewed as the immortal element in man, something spiritual which can float around after death and mingle on polite terms with those other bits of ch'i constituting the remains of the ancestors. Moreover, ch'i came to include, not only what one loses if one is whammed suddenly in the stomach with a baseball bat, but also such things as one's self-confidence, one's ability to dominate others psychologically, and  one's general moral well-being. Perhaps as a result of my  influence, he began to make fun of these aspects of T'ai Ch'i,  and it was not long before we began using the phrase "losing one's ch'i" ironically and in jest.

Nevertheless, in spite of the jokes, Hoskins was deadly serious about the physical aspects o f T'ai Ch'i. He believed with a single-minded passion that it was at the bottom of every martial art, and it got to the point where he would sooner be dropped head first onto the mat then resist in a way that seemed contrary to the spirit of T'ai Ch'i. It was also clear that he was applying all sorts of aesthetic criteria to an area where most practitioners count only throws, victories, and injuries.

We had made some progress on those terms when we had to decided that switch from judo to wrestling, and it was then that Hoskins it was possible to put the theory to a more decisive test, If ever there was an activity that matched [p.37]strength against strength, it appeared to be wrestling. Thus, he reasoned, if w e could find an application for the T'ai Ch'i principles of "giving way" even there, the case would be proven, quite apart from the less conclusive results of our judo activity.

Needless to say, we never reached that point in wrestling, if, indeed, it exists. On the other hand, Hoskins' determination to give a quasi-aesthetic theory some unlikely applications has more profound implications. Much of his life appears to have been based on such a theory, and he may have died in an attempt to do something analogous to applying T'ai Ch'i to wrestling, but on a larger scale.

[p.38] BLANK

Chapter 3
[p.39]

A Little Background Information

Hoskins was a sociologist's nightmare, and would have been impossible to place in any social class. Originally from the Kentucky-Tennessee border area, two of his close relatives had been killed in the normal guerilla warfare of the district, and his family later moved to Cincinnati to work in the factories during World War II. However, instead of following the usual American social pattern for people of his generation, taking a vertical social jump up a notch or two and a horizontal geographical one out to the suburbs, he finally ended up without any job in the same area in which he had grown up. Thus, on three criteria, place of residence ($50 a month apartment), kind of income (public assistance), and amount of income (below poverty line), he was strictly lower class, if not lower-lower. On the other hand, no one who knew him would have even thought of so characterizing him.

More than anything else, this was because o f the way in which he spoke and the quantities of knowledge in the background. Since Hoskins had had little formal education beyond high school, he must be counted as a self-educated person. Like many such persons he had learned a good deal more than most of his contemporaries in college, but, even then, he was atypical. One had the feeling that he read voluminously, but not voraciously. That is, he seemed not to read primarily for fun, but to acquire information he needed for one of his many projects. He was not the sort of bibliophile who picks up a book in a bookstore or library, more or less capriciously, and is found an hour later, in the same spot, deep in some matter in which he had little prior interest. Hoskins always knew what he was going to read, knew why he was going to read it, and was unlikely to be distracted. On the other hand, he read systematically in art, martial arts, history, and various kinds of science and technology. These main strands caught a good deal in between and Hoskins was adept at bringing his information to bear where it was relevant. Once engaged in a serious discussion, his conversation was not playful, and he did not flit from one subject to another. He proceeded rationally, looked for explanations, and made predictions. He was ingenious, thorough, and confined his speculations to a few areas that had special importance for him. In short, his style of thinking and talking was highly professional, and the only odd thing was that he talked about things [p.40] professionals do not usually talk about. Many people found this confusing and even baffling, but it wasn't really. Our educational system generally searches out people with very good minds and stamps them with certain sorts of "core" interests, to which other optional ones can be added later. But Hoskins did not take well to authority, and had apparently evaded the educational authorities along with the other kinds.

Another confusing thing was that Hoskins, in addition to his main areas of knowledge, had acquaintance of the kind of trivia which is so characteristic of the academic who has taken too many courses and cannot manage to forget anything. Once, when trying to identify a bust at a fled market, it turned out that Hoskins knew  something about Pluutarch, This, of course, is typical of graduates of good schools and colleges. They may not know anything worth knowing about Plutarch (unless they specialized in some related field), but he came up somewhere in some course, and they can place him roughly in history.

Such odds and ends of fact have a social importance out of all proportion to their real value. If one knows what one wants and needs to know, it makes little difference whether one knows that Ben Jonson was a playwright, and whether one can pronounce such names as "Camus" and "Mozart" more or less correctly. But, despite that, the lack of this sort of superficial information offends a certain kind of social arbiter and causes him to place the other in a lower social class. If he then finds that the other person has a deep and subtle knowledge of some important subject, he still does not fully reinstate him to the "educated upper middle class", but places him in some transitional area. Hoskins had enough information of this sort to allow him to float easily into any group that had interest for him, and, since he never really cared whether he was accepted or not, his ease of manner made it virtually certain that he would be.

It thus did not seem odd that he should mention Plutarch until one reflected that he had not taken courses which covered him. Plutarch also seemed unrelated to any of Hoskins' own maininterests. The true explanation for the source of much of his information, both trivial and important, is that he loved to talk with all sorts of people, and, unlike most talkers, he listened to what they said. Not only that, he liked to search out people's enthusiasms and get them to talk as excitedly as possible about them. When he invited Mike, the wrestler, to dinner, he was delighted when Mike, his mind somewhat altered by some substance, jumped up on the dining room table and expounded his ideas. While Mike was sane and reasonable, one did not have to be in order to engage Hoskins's interest. Once, in the [p.41] basement of the Y he had come upon a crazed right-wing political fanatic visiting from Texas. Hoskins, pretending to have similar views himself, had drawn the man out. When the dust had settled, the visitor, almost in a state of apoplexy, had left screaming about wanting to bomb the White House. More often, the enthusiasms were less violent, but Hoskins always wanted to get the maximum from them, and often asked questions. Somewhere along the line, perhaps in his San Francisco days, he may have met someone with pleasingly eccentric views which somehow involved Plutarch. Perhaps he was a medium trying to get in touch with him, or possibly abroken down history professor who had found LSD. But, whatever the source, Hoskins remembered.

Hoskins ended up with a rather unusual attitude toward the formally educated world. He had a strong suspicion that the exaggerated claims so often given for the benefits of formal education were hogwash, but he was not quite sure. This caused him at times to have a little more respect for that world than he would have had if he had known it first hand. However, working contrary to that tendency was the fact that a good deal of his contact with academia had been with renegades. Some had been flung out, and some had left by choice. Others had one foot in and one out, but almost all were highly cynical. Moreover, many were so patently unbalanced that it was hard not to laugh. Hoskins got on well with such people, and it was easy for them to together arrive at the proposition that everything serious in the world is really, if not some kind of joke, at least pleasant in the irony of its own self-delusion.

For better or worse, this levity affected Hoskins' ideas about art. It was so easy to make fun of people who took it too seriously, and so hard to resist sometimes incorporating a few little jokes in his own art. From a commercial point of view, this is one of the most disastrous things an artist can do. He is often selling to people who are unsure of themselves, and who, above all else, are afraid that their friends will laugh at them and think they have been taken for a ride. If the artist himself has so much as a twinkle in his eye, they will react as they would if their stockbroker hinted to them that he drew up his list of recommended stocks with humorous intent, and in order to see what fools he could get to buy them. As with the European Dadaists of the tewnties, it takes a very secure buyer to buy from such an artist, and no city contains many patrons of the arts who are willing to risk a joke on themselves.

It was another aspect of Hoskins' humor that helped take him outside the normal class structure. If one is asked one's occupation and one replies that one is, say, a radio-TV repairman, one is placed, at least approximately, in the system. But, [p.42] if one goes on to say that one's reply was only a joke, or that one has some other real occupation, for which the first is only a cover, contusion is created. Even it one admits that one really is a repairman, but acts for some reason other than making money, one again creates confusion of a different and perhaps deeper kind. Hoskins was a master at creating all those kinds of confusion. He could not even be perceived as a relaxed "laid back" connoisseur of drugs and the pleasures of an easy life. He drove much too hard for that, but in a direction no one could quite understand or credit.

Imagine, if you will, the serious young sociologist who istaking a survey of the area of Twelfth and Vine. He has interviewed Hoskins. He is puzzled and a little bothered, as he should be. He has come across something of socal significance,  which eludes his categories. This is because a sociological net cast in terms of income, type of occupation, place of residence, and so on will not distinguish the bohemian from the rest of the urban poor. The bohemian may well not even classify himself as an artist, and, even if he does, he can easily be confused with the sort of artist who is temporarily living in poor surroundings until he can commercialize his work and make some money. The true bohemian can be detected only by the questions about values, attitudes, and the nature of art which our young man is
forbidden to ask.

That sociology makes a mistake in asking such narrow questtions is clear from the fact that bohemians have considerable economic consequences. They epitomize art and libertinism for the average person, and it takes only a half dozen of them living in an area of several thousand people to give that district a reputation as an "art colony." Then, all kinds of rising young professionals and business people, their heads full of exciting sexual images, move t o that part of town. The bohemians, appalled by rising prices and the people they suddenly find on the streets, quickly move out. The new residents never quite realize that there are no artists left in their art colony, nor, in the midst of their "singles" activities and experimental sex and drug parties, do they realize that, for bohemians, sex is never more than something which can be used to enhance artistic activity. Still, whatever misconceptions may linger, it is a small group of impecunious artists who have effectively doubled or tripled real estate prices in the area.

A real bohemian community in a geographical sense is almost a contradiction in terms. Such artists naturally settle anywhere in a city where space can be had cheaply, and thus tend to scatter. There is none of the middle class notion of "taking over a neighborhood." On the contrary, most bohemians have a sense of danger which leads them to be as inconspicuous as their life [p.43] style permits.

Our social investigator may not be fully aware of these facts, but, in any case, he supposes that there will always be a few eccentrics and anomalies who constitute an affront to the most carefully drawn categories. Then he goes across the hall to interview Melanie Finlay in her apartment. This time he is profoundly troubled. She i s such a nice conventional young woman, middle class to her very core, that he wonders what on earth she can be doing living in such an area. When she discovers his business, Melanie invites our young friend into her immaculate apartment and gives him herb tea.

Someone once said of Melanie that she was both the most outgoing and least flirtatious young woman he had ever met.This friendly directness allows her to explain without embarrassment her relationship to Hoskins and something of her history. She prepared to be a nun from the age of twelve onwards, but then decided not to take her final vows. She met Hoskins at an art exhibit while she was in full habit, and, after one thing had led to another, she joined him after he ran away to San Francisco. Upon returning, they settled into their downtown arrangement of separate apartments, but a mostly shared life. She explains that she has no problems living in the neighborhood, and, like Hoskins, enjoys the local color. It further appears that, while she did not actually become a nun, she is still very much within the Catholic establishment, and teaches in a parochial school. This does not seem to involve any crisis in faith, and, reading between the lines, our man sees that she is an energetic and committed teacher who enjoys the best of relations with the nuns who run the school. After a couple of cups of tea and an invitation to return anytime, our student  of society leaves, more confused than when he came. Like Hoskins, Melanie has several lower class characteristics, and, even though she works, her pay is so low that, on that score as well, she falls below the middle class line. But our sociologist is no fool, and he sees, more quickly than would his department chairman, that there is something wrong with his categories.

On the other hand, he does have a certain stake in the status quo, and the most upsetting thing is that Melanie is not in the least eccentric. She has not set out to confute statistical generalizations, something that is easily suspected of Hoskins. Moreover, she is not, like many of the young artists and students living on the fringes of the area, an easily dismissible phenomenon. She lives in the heart of the most depressed listrict, and the aura of solidity and stability which surrounds her suggests she may stay indefinitely. As our man picks his way pastcoke bottles and garbage cans in the stairwell, he has the distinctly uneasy feeling that, where [p. 44] Melanie leads, others may folow, folow in a way in which they would never follow Hoskins. That is, there may be many other educated young women who wil have a sufficiently strong sense of purpose and desire for a life of their choice that they wil rationally and permanently accept being submerged in economic, residential, and other ways.

Some people insisted on seeing Melanie as the ex-nun who was still a nun at heart, but had substituted Hoskins for Christ as her vocation. It was this training, they said, which alowed her to suffer, with serenity, even a very strong man in a violent mood. After her death at his hands, it was only too easy to see her as a martyr. However, in these days when there are so many ex-nuns, it would be simplistic to say that she was typical, if there is such a thing. Some, for example, seek reality by becoming cocktail waitresses. Others know how to flirt so well that it is hard to imagine how they ever managed to stay away from attractive young priests. Many are anything but serene, and not a few are capable of violence themselves.

Melanie did not represent any of these extremes of reaction, else she would not have been happy teaching under the supervision of nuns. Moreover, it must also be admitted that her training may have led her to show Hoskins more patience than most young women would have. In the end, it may even be true that she sacrificed herself in an attempt to keep Hoskins from destroying himself.

It thus cannot be denied that there was an element of self-abnegation in Melanie's relation to Hoskins, and that she may have been a martyr in a sense more or less analogous to that in which he was a terrorist. In the last few decades the status of martyrs in the public mind has declined radically to the point where they are viewed as being hardly better than terrorists. A martyr is no longer a heroine, but someone who foolishly sacrifices things she ought not to sacrifice, and who ends up almost as a non-person as a result of letting herself be pushed around by some other person, or by an institution (particularly the Catholic Church).

On this negative view, Melanie was a plain girl who had no experience of men and was completely swept off her feet when a talented, attractive and dynamic man did her the great favor of noticing her. Then, the story goes, she put up with almost anything that he did because it was too late to go back to the convent, and because she knew that she would not be able to find anyone else. As in all such negative views, there was an element of truth. Melanie was not pretty, and, given her muscular development, it was at times easier to see her as Hoskins' female workout partner than as someone toward whom he had romantic feelings. In addition, her total lack of [p.45]  affectation and foolishness suggested that she was beter suited to almost anything than romance. That is why, it is said, she allowed Hoskins to spend so much time with other women, some of whom she knew about, and even occasionally entertain them in his apartment.

In fact, such a picture is grossly exaggerated. Even at first glance,  Melanie looked bright and fresh, and there were times when she was beautiful in the style of the Dutch masters. Not the currently fashionable kind of beauty, perhaps, but it sooner or later had an impact on almost every one who knew her. Among her many friends there were always some who would have been happy to take up with her if she had left Hoskins. Moreover, it cannot be overemphasized that she was nobody's doormat.  While she put up with a lot from Hoskins, she also influenced him in countless ways and even managed him to a surprising extent. In the last years of his life she had far more influence over him than anyone else, and it is quite possible that she kept him from carrying out any number of urban guerilla projects.

The fact that Melanie was such a force of sanity in Hoskins' life was closely connected with the attraction she had for virtually everyone who met her. People do not generally keep others on the sometimes narrow road of sanity by cautioning them, scolding, nagging, or even pointing out consequences. It is far more effective simply to make mundane activities sufficiently pleasant and interesting so that there is less need to act out wild fantasies. This was what Melanie did so well, and it was this capacity for living in the present and immediate future which endeared her to everyone else. She enjoyed almost anything she did so much that even rather sour people, if set to doing the same things with her, often had a good time in spite of themselves. While this is not the sort of thing which is supposed to be included in a sociological definition of class, in t probably has a good deal with our refusal to countsch people  as Melanie as lower class. She just did not fit the depresed despirited image of the truly poor, no matter where she lived and no matter how little money she had.

If there is nothing else that distinguishes the middle class from the society of Washington Park, it is the ability to hide the most important feelings that one has. Among the middle classes, these feelings are seldom exposed to public view even when there is strong temptation to do so, as, for example, when there is a divorce. Almost everyone has ben shocked more than once when couples they had supposed to be happily married have split up. If nowadays we are not quite as surprised as we used to be, it is not so much because we have more clues to the  feelings of the people involved, but because we have come to [p.46] assume that no marriage is safe. One of the most dramatic examples of this sort of play acting I had ever seen occured when a couple gave a party the night before they announced their separation and impending divorce. It was the best and most elaborate party they had ever given. In addition to acting with particular affection toward one another, the parents of the woman were on hand, a rather sophisticated couple who mixed easily with the guests. One might at least have thought that divorce in such circumstances would be amicable, perhaps with touches of humor and an embrace at the divorce court. But it was nothing of the sort. They fought bitterly over custody of the children, accused each other of every conceivable immorality, and showed a great willingness to hurt themselves a lot for the opportunity to hurt the other a little.

This masking of feeling does not occur in the street life of Washington Park. If one wino feels irritation with another, he does not begin by inviting the other to have a friendly drink on the curbstone in order to "sort things out." Instead of hiding this rift from third parties, he tells everyone within shouting distance what a bastard and son of a bitch the other is.

Of course, even the middle class is adjusting to changing attitudes, and no one nowadays expects any couple to be entirely free of the strains of differing values and goals. The standard deceit now consists, not in covering up such things from absolutely everyone else, but in giving close friends the impression that all such problems are being dealt with in a mature way, and that everything is under control. In this respect Hoskins and Melanie were thoroughly middle class. Indeed, the blemishes on life in their apartments were hard to take seriously. Hoskins' apartment was a total jungle of objects he had acquired over the years, and his studio upstairs in the attic was similar except that his dogs also relieved themselves there. This bothered Melanie, and she occasionally did sons cleaning. This, in turn, bothered Hoskins, who regarded his apartment as almost a museum in which everything was already in its proper place. However, both made jokes about this state of affairs. On one occasion, when he considered that she had intervened on a massive and unwarranted scale, his violence was confined to taking her key to his apartment and breaking it in two in his fingers. This act, probably facilitated by al those wrist curls at the Y, was such a parody of the things that went on around them that it both became a joke and seemed to suggest that he would never direct any real violence at her.

There were other cases when Hoskins resorted to direct methods, as when he hurled objects at the wals of his apartment or smashed them on the floor. These outbursts were converted into jokes of still another sort. One of the holes in [p.47] the wall was labelled, "Defaced Wall Art", and Melanie took much of his more conventional art work into her own apartment where she placed it in "protective custody." As the series of jokes went on, it was easy to think that the holes in the wall and the smashed objects were part of a pastime which both enjoyed. In retrospect these incidents must have been more than that, and must have somehow presaged the act where Hoskins emptied a whole clip of ammunition into Melanie's body. In making a joke of them, both must have concealed something far more important than t h e incidents themselves, perhaps something as obscure to them as to everyone else.

Despite these occasional outbursts, what was remarkable about their day to day life was the island of relative placidity they had created in the middle of the swirling and often violent life around them. Our young sociologist, on later reading the newspaper accounts and recognizing the people he had interviewed, might well have felt a certain rueful vindication. It is not so easy to create little social islands which are immune to the laws of the larger neighborhood. Sooner or later those laws will triumph, and it is the anamolies who will, in one way or another, be eliminated.

 [48] BLANK


Chapter 4
[p.49]

The Military and its Aftermath

A man's military reminiscences are notoriously the least reliable of all. Still, they almost always have some basis in fact and it is often possible to separate those original facts from the layers of interpretation, and even wishful thinking, that have been added year by year.

In the present case it is known that Hoskins did join the Marines soon after he left school, and that he was discharged shortly thereafter. By his own admission, he was involved in many fights and was put in a special "punishment" platoon. He was finally discharged because "he couldn't get along with others."

Hoskins did not often talk about his military experience, but, when he did, one could detect, in between the humorously told anecdotes, a certain tinge of disappointment and a sense of lost opportunity. After all, he was, at bottom, a military sort of person.

Most armies are not terribly displeased when they get combative recruits, and a good army is, in large part, one that can take young men of that sort and turn their aggressions from each other toward the enemy. Apart from that, the young Hoskins must have been ideal material. He had an abundance of physical skills, loved guns, and would have been interested in mastering almost any kind of miltary technique, tactic, or strategy. In addition, he had the intelligence to become, not just an ordinary good soldier, but an officer of high rank. What, then, could have gone wrong?

There were two things that Hoskins had to say about his relation to the Marine Corps. First, he liked the exercises. "I got along well at that level. Even when they put me in the punishment platoon, I found that they just did more pushups and situps, and so I liked that. Then they thought there was something wrong with me for enjoying the punishment platoon." Since, in later life, he was one of very few people who actually enjoyed abdominal calisthenics, even without the satisfaction of lifting a barbell, it is not hard to believe that he also enjoyed them twenty years earlier. It must have confused the drill instructors and officers to find a recruit who enjoyed the punishment. Evidently they did not have the imagination to make him sit indoors doing nothing while the others did exercises outside the window.

[p.50]
Second, according to Hoskins, it had really upset him to seen all the bullying that went on, whether by drill instructors, officers, or the bigger and stronger recruits.

"When I saw anyone being physically cruel, I'd just wait for my chance, maybe days later, and then I'd get him. After a while, I even took to smiling at them and telling them that they could count on getting hurt later on."

Ii is unlikely that the officers saw it quite that way.They probably did not inquire closely into the causes of fights and simply meted out punishment to those who were continually involved in them. Moreover, it is not clear who Hoskins attacked. There may, for example, have been a confrontation with a drill instructor or officer.

Hoskins said that he had called himself a "pacifist", not in the sense of being opposed to war, but in opposition to the bullying which he claimed to have been so widespread. Doubtless it was, but I wondered whether he had not enjoyed his pacifism and whether he had not been a bit like another pacifist of my acquaintance-- one who pre-emptively assaulted and beat up people he believed to be prone to violence, particularly members of motorcycle gangs.

Such ot least is the outline of Hoskins military career, but, whatever may have happened, he continued to feel in, later years that he could have fitted into a military machine that was a little more intelligent in its training methods. Indeed, after the years had mellowed him, he demonstrated traits which would have had a different, and even more important, kind of military utility. After he had moved to the Williams YMCA, a co-ed one where Melanie could work out with him, he became the unofficial leader of quite a little group of younger people who suddenly found it exciting and romantic to do sit-ups and  leg-lifts in addition to the running they would have anyway. While he did it unobtrusively, it was Hoskins who decided what should be done in what order, and what route would be taken when they ran through the neighborhood. He did not tell anyone what to do, but decided fairly definitely what he was going to do himself, after which the others all folowed. While he had been virtually a junior member at the downtown Y, he was here much older than most of the young students and professionals, and adapted easily to the role of healthy and vigorous middle-aged man conducting his group of cheerful followers through a regimen that, in itself, would hardly have appealed to anyone. As before, there was much laughter and many jokes, but also a kind of unspoken deference. For example, even though Hoskins was not a particularly fast [p.51] runner, his juniors tended to group themselves beside or behind him, never once taking the lead and challenging him to catch up, something he probably could not have done. It was easy to be reminded of the good-natured and popular colonel leading his staff in a morning constitutional run.

Hoskins made me think of a young Israeli paratrooper I had once met in a campground outside Paris. While Ira was not nearly as strong nor as well versed in unarmed combat, he was another highly intelligent man who did not seem particularly interested in material success. In civilian life he lived on a kibbutz and had refused chances to go to college in order to remain a grapefruit picker. Even though he rad extensively, he wasalso quite proud of the speed with which he could pick fruit, and saw no reason to move to any other occupation.  In the army he similarly had no desire to move to a position of command, but  was fascinated by almost every aspect of military life and organization. When he found that I was an amateur military historian, we wandered all over Paris while he added to his stockpile every scrap of information I had on the campaigns of Napoleon, Genghis Khan, and Douglas MacArthur. In his turn he explained the Israeli Army with a depth and insight that would have done credit to a general in any other army.

Ira was particularly anxious to argue that, despite the remarkable successes of the army in recent years, it was not made up of supermen.

"Except for the fighter pilots, the whole army is just ordinary guys like me. Not especially gifted or violent or anything. I wouldn't hit anyone else, even if he hit me first. But I felt comfortable during the war when we were clearing out ravines. Of course, combat is always scary, but a lot less so when you have confidence in your organization."

The more we discussed the Mongols' use of terror to control countries they could not afford to garrison, or MacArthur's amphibious tactics, the more I got the impression that the Israeli army had invented something still more important. They had made it interesting and enjoyable to be an ordinary soldier. Their drill instruction involved no sadism, and the soldiers, who all recognized the necessity of their mission, were encouraged to develop their skills at their own pace, and in a way that gave them pleasure and satisfaction.

"Some people get a little scared before their first parachute jump, but we have lots of jokes and, when you get used to jumping, it's hard to realize that you ever worried about it."
[p.52]
It certainly was not that Ira lacked fear. He had the impression that his unit would be assigned to attack the Golan Heights in case of war with Syria and that, in the meantime, he might be sent out alone on dark beaches with a silenced .45 pistol against terrorists. But he felt so good about his army experience as a whole that even these thoughts caused him only occasional discomfort. In fact, it became obvious that he was, after a few days, tired of his vacation in Paris, and was waiting anxiously for the time, when he could return to his kibbutz and his parachute unit.

It also transpired that the Israeli army did not have an officer  class in the European or American sense.

"There's a guy in my kibbutz who is one of the commanders in my unit, but he works in the fields too and doesn't have any special privileges."

Indeed, it happened that it was Ira, and not the commander, who had a most important special privilege, that of instructor in fruit picking to groups of young people who were visiting Israel.

"A lot of these girls in visiting ulpans are away from home for the first time and are even riper than the fruit. As their instructor, I get to look them over, and they tend to come to me when they want some excitement. The commander is always complaining that I get first pick."

This account of the side benefits of fruit picking helped explain why Ira was so content in the fields and in the army. But that was not the only reason, or even the main one. Far more important was his confidence that both the kibbutz and the army were sufficiently flexible to take advantage of any talent he had to offer. Not only that, it was virtually official policy that soldiers and fruit pickers should enjoy their work whenever possible, and that working conditions could be altered in various ways to conform to individual preferences. It is not likely that many enlisted men in any of the American armed forces have that sort of confidence, nor do such mottoes appear to be engraved over the gates at West Point or Annapolis. However, if the morale of lowly members of an organization is as good as Ira's, the organization as a whole can hardly help but be healthy, efficient, and effective. I believed Ira when he said he was typical of his fellow soldiers. That, in turn, explained a good deal of recent history.

It seems in retrospect that Hoskins was tailor-made for an army like the Israeli one. Even his commitment to art would [p.53] have been accepted and encouraged, and, in times of peace, there would have been no invention of meaningless duties to interfere with it. It has now been a long time since Guadalcanal and Iwo Jima, and, if the path since has been a rather dreary one for the Marine Corps, it probably is traceable in part to inflexibility and a resulting inability to take advantage of good material when it offers itself.

Whatever kind of discharge Hoskins received from the military, the fact that it was in some sense "psychological" may well have suggested to him the idea that he could qualify for and live on disability payments the rest of his life. In the circumstances, this is an idea that would tempt a good many people, and it would take only a few discouraging experiences with the world of work to bring it to actuality. Moreover, a person who is always conscious of this alternative is not likely to make the compromises of someone who has to work to live.

As it happened, Hoskins got married, had children, and entered into the white collar world quite successfully. It appears that he lived the life of a conventional married man in a suburb more convincingly than any of his downtown friends could have imagined. As far as the neighbors were concerned, he had only an art studio downtown in the way that other men played golf or went to baseball games. At that time, it would have been natural to suppose that he had settled down after his stormy interlude with the Marines, and that he would, as the saying has it, "go a long way.". The economy was expanding in those days, and it must have seemed that a young white man with great intelligence, boundless energy, and natural leadership would require a kind of genius in order to fail. However, in addition to the possibility of that secure life income, there were two other factors.

One was the fact that Hoskins, at all stages of his life, attracted women without even trying. And then, when they offered themselves, he was not the man to refuse terribly many of them. That was not really part of the sixties executive pattern. The French company official may be expected to have his mistress, but his American counterpart in those days was stretched so thin between an extremely demanding workload and an equally demanding family life that, moral or social strictures apart, there was no time left over. Then, when a man is caught between two or more women who have begun to cause more pain than pleasure, yhere is always the temptation to jump ship and escape both of them, particularly if there is some beckoning snug little financial harbor at hand.

In addition to all that, he had, during this time, taught himself to paint. The discovery of a strong new talent in oneself is always one of the most exciting things that can happen. For [p.54] someone like Hoskins, it is really much more important than, say, a new lover, and it is likely to have a much greater and longer significance.

Even abstract artists of the sort Hoskins later became generally start with figures or landscapes. When the beginning artist discovers that he can produce work that is faithful to his subject, and to which he can add any shade of feeling or expression he wants, it can be an almost overpowering experience. Hoskins' early portraits indicate that he reached that point fairly quickly. It is hard t o imagine any business or professional experience which would have had that much excitement for a man who seems never to have cared about becoming rich. There must, from that point on, have been many times when he looked out the office window, and his thoughts turned from work to art. In addition to the inherent satisfactions of art, the prospect of life as an artist promises almost absolute freedom from all the control that one must submit to in any ordinary kind of job. It is thus not too hard to imagine how a man as independent as Hoskins came to end his working days. The upshot was that he wound up in San Francisco with still another woman, Melanie.

The idea of never working again may seem wonderful to a harrassed man in an office with only boring work, but it turns out to have its problems. Even the life of an artist with a small independent income, no matter how free and romantic it may seem, is not all it is cracked up to be. The root difficulty is that there is still a compulsion to sell work. It is not so much for the extra income, but with the idea that, if what one is doing is worthwhile, there must be people willing to pay money for it. Unfortunately, without luck and connections it may be almost impossible for even an extremely good artist to sell hardly anything at prices that do not seem ridiculous, and which even pay for the materials.

Most often, the young artist just out of art school sets' up shop with great optimism and immediately produces half a dozen pieces. He or she may enter them for shows, or simply have open houses in the studio, but, either way, nothing sells. The artist nevertheless goes doggedly forward and paints more canvasses. Soon, there are no walls left on which to hang paintings, either in the studio or the apartment. Some paintings are given to friends, and the rest are stacked in a corner of the studio. Still, nothing has been sold, and the cost of paint and canvas is beginning to mount. A few pieces are sold to friends of friends for fifty dollars each. Then the artist decides to paint over old paintings that no longer satisfy. There is some aesthetic justification for this. Some of the old colors can be allowed to show through effectively, and an old painting [p.55] provides a good basis for new work. The artist at this point announces that he is now doing a different, and much superior,  kind of work. It may be better, but it still does not sell.

By this time, almost every canvas has been painted over, some many times, and there is hardly anyone left who will hang the paintings even if they are given them. The artist can always continue to work, but not many can convince themselves that work can be entirely its own reward. It is then that most stop, particularly if there is no independent income, and they have run through their savings.

Hoskins did better than that, but, even so, his total receipts could not have amounted to very much. There must have been times of profound discouragement when it seemed that society had no place for an artist of his sort. In his last years he sometimes talked that way, without much apparent bitterness, and acted as if he thought daily exercise was enough to keep body and soul together.

In this respect, those who live on welfare are quite a lot like the idle rich in that neither group has a sense of purpose unless they invent one for themselves. Most middle class people may not think of themselves as struggling for survival, but they would be surprised to find out how much of their activity would be rendered meaningless if they were assured of a certain level of support for the rest of their lives. Even those sub-dole residents of Washington Park, the winos, had at least a schedule imposed by thirst and necessity. From the Drop-Inn Center they went to panhandle people on their way to work, to the wine store with the proceeds, to the Spring St. Mission, where they were given a baloney sandwich, to the garbage cans, and so on, until it was time to hit the crowd again.

For Hoskins there was, in one way, no reason to ever get out of bed and leave his apartment, other than the need to cash his check and make a few purchases. Like the jet setters at the other end of the spectrum, he had tried travel, but, like the more intelligent of them, had discovered that no real problems were solved by rapid change of geographical location. Thus, while he had been in San Francisco in the Haight-Ashbury Period,  and in New York before that, he finally settled down to a small space.

This hermitage, which was quickly filled with manifestations of Hoskins' many interests, became a center for a large group of people, most of whom had themselves departed a bit from the straight and narrow. Since so many people came to him, Hoskins had little need to go out, and his forays into the streets had long since settled into a pattern. Every weekday morning he went to the Y. He occasionally lunched at the chili parlor, or, [p.56] on rare occasions, the restaurant of a friend some ten blocks away. But mostly he just went back to his apartment and stayed there, sometimes entertaining a woman, until Melanie came home from school. Then they made dinner and Hoskins smoked marijuana until around ten, when they went to bed.

Meals were simple. Hoskins was extremely suspicious of the great majority of food, particularly anything with an exotic taste. In addition, he ate slowly and ate little, surprisingly little in view of his size and strength. While this attitude toward food did not seem to be intentional or cultivated, it was, in effect, another of his natural adaptations to his situation. He simply did not want the food he could not afford, and would not eat it if offered to him. Similarly, although he lived only a half-dozen blocks from the downtown shopping area, he almost never went there. He treasured many possessions, but none of them were things that were sold in most stores, certainly not the downtown ones .

The weekend routine was a little different, but no less fixed. On Saturday he visited his wife and children. On Sunday morning, if the weather was at all good, he and Melanie went to a flea market at a drive-in theatre. They there did all the impulse shopping that middle or upper class people do at anything from discount houses to specialty shops. However, in distinction to even the most stripped-down of the discount houses, a great deal was for sale for a dollar or less, and ten dollars was a major purchase. In addition, it was much more colorful and interesting. Many kinds of people came, often from the distant countryside, to sell many kinds of items. A family of country people would drive a hundred miles to sell objects that could not have paid for the gas. But perhaps it was their way of participating in the glamour of the city. Some of the goods were exotic, some were probably stolen, and all could be haggled over. Hoskins and Melanie often made it a party with other friends, and, in the course of purchasing a few dollars worth, they would examine virtually all of the thousands of articles for sale.

Since they never sold anything at the flea market and never threw anything out, their apartments often had to strain to accomodate each Sunday's new acquisitions. Melanie tended to buy what she needed t o decorate, or to make her apartment more comfortable. Hoskins bought whatever he liked, or whatever he was collecting at the time, and so his apartment became ever more cluttered. Still, order was not totally lacking, and a chair could always be cleared when a visitor dropped in for tea. Thus, even though one often had to step over the drunkard Von Fritsch at the ground level doorway in order to get inside, both apartments constituted, in their [p.57] different ways, little refuges from the noise and confused sensory overload of the street below.

There was, however, something that disturbed Hoskins even in his lair, and it turned out to be a worry that the poor share with the rich. The vast majority of the population does not have to worry greatly about being dispossessed. If a freeway is put through their suburban neighborhood (which is unlikely, since so many suburbs have followed the freeways), they can fairly easily find another similar neighborhood, probably without going far. For the rich it is not so simple. Many feel comfortable only in enclaves, of which there is generally only one to each major city, and it does not take much to spoil those enclaves for them. Far short of an invasion of urban poor, a dozen new rich families moving into the country club with their boisterous manners and loud clothes can spoil the whole atmosphere for many of the older residents. This is because they have spent all that leisure time developing a whole web of "nice" places to go, "necessary" activities, and "suitable" friends. As they grow older, they come increasingly to depend on that complex of places and people. But, no matter how much money one has, one cannot force everything to remain the same, and any arrangements one does make are bound to be delicate and unstable. Thus, many rich persons of middle age or more live in daily terror of having to move, and of all the, to them, massive consequences of such a move.

In a similar way, the residents of Washington Park had, often over many years, discovered bit by bit how to live satisfactorily where to get day-old bread for almost nothing, where a dog can be walked, what to do if arrested, who might be willing to hire a little temporary labor, and, above all, where it is safe to be at what time. All this would be different in some other poor area, much less in a different city. While middle-class people need only to look up the same old franchises and brand names in a new city to perpetuate the same life style, the poor and the rich have to start from scratch. And they have no assurance
that they will be successful.

For this reason, one of the most distressing things for Hoskins and his neighbors was the demolition of buildings. Washington Park itself had been largely immune, but no less than a dozen old brick houses in the area of his apartment had recently been torn down. He was particularly upset when the bank kitty corner across the street was wrecked, and then the large handsome old house directly across Vine Street. There were, in this last case, several mitigating factors. For one thing, he and Melanie were allowed t o go though the house [p.58] before it was wrecked and salvage anything they pleased. This would not have seemed a great privilege to most people, but Hoskins was able to find some parts with which to repair one of the old air rifles in his collection, and they both found some broken furniture capable of repair. Then, when the demolition began, there were many touches of comedy. The lowest bid on the demolition came, not from one of the standard wrecking companies, but from the "Willie Blow-Top Gang", a group of traditional house wreckers who took down one brick at a time. It was rumored that they charged no cash, being content just to sell the materials they salvaged. White Appalachians from the southern mountains, they presented a new and striking appearance even in a district which was supposedly half-populated with such people.

Not only did Willie Blow-Top and his men introduce an element of the ancient barter economy into a modern urban setting, but they had curious ways of dealing with each other. If one, working four stories above the street, wished to attract the attention of another, he simply picked up a brick and threw it in his direction, sometimes grazing the addressee. In all things, they seemed totally unconcerned with danger, and onlookers were amazed at the absence of violent death as the weeks and months wore on. One time Hoskins told about one of the men standing on the ground looking upward with his mouth open while two others, directly above him, were trying to pry loose a section of stone facing with crowbars. Eventually they gave up and, immediately after all three had gone down the street to a bar, the stone ripped away and fell with a tremendous crash exactly where the third had been standing.

The Blow-Top gang did not take easily to strangers, even ones who bought things from them, and anyone who spoke to a man on the ground about buying something was likely to be the object of catcalls from others working higher up. These were not obscene, or even the sort likely to provoke a fight, particularly in view of the fact that the challenger would have to climb walls that might fall at any moment to reach some isoated brick  crag. Their most severe insult was, "He's iggerant,jes plain iggerant." Of just what  the stranger was ignorant was never made entirely clear. not even whether it related to some feature of the materials, or simply to a point of etiquette governing the proper approach of a stranger. For all one knew, the approved approach might have been to sit on the ground in the litter and brick dust for a half hour, watching with one's arms over one's head, before even deigning to sidle over and make a remark about the weather.

It was the sort of thing that Hoskins would normaly have enjoyed tremendously, and, even as it was, he was sometimes [p.59] moved to tell some humorous anecdote about the gang. But, for the most part, he was silent. Perhaps the very length of the demolition process, in which progress, or destruction, was hardly noticeable from one week to the next, kept reminding him of the threat to his own life style. Sometimes, he would come in to the Y and announce his intention of moving to the country. To his friends that sounded like a prescription for pure disaster. Since he was practically a hermit in his rooms, one supposed that, in the country, he would never see anyone at all. He nevertheless continued to talk about such plans, and even became interested in a particular house in Milford. Then, one morning, he said that he was not moving to Milford because it was full of hillbillies. Considering the people by whom he was presently surrounded, this statement was rather peculiar. However, as with so many of his odder utterances, his friends held their silence, not wanting to disturb any line of thought which tended to keep him where he was.

As in poor areas elsewhere, the people tended to make up for a lack of expensive diversions by engaging in sexual intercourse on a scale which would have surprised most middle-class people. It was also talked of much more openly than elsewhere, and a good many of the shouts on the street pertained to it. While casual sex was dangerous in that it often led to violence, and even death, it was also something of a joke and a constant subject of gossip. Hoskins remembered an early encounter of his own with a married woman whose husband was banging and shouting at the door.

"She kept telling me to keep quiet and let him go away, and he did eventually."

Neither at the time nor afterwards did he seem to regard this incident as being more than a minor lark. In the telling, it appeared to rank with such ordinary escapades as his theft of chimney pots from roofs in broad daylight. Or the time when he and Melanie, as another kind of diversion, had broken into the headquarters of a motorcycle club to defy their threatening signs and steal their insignia and keepsakes.

While in later years, Hoskins broke with so many of the traditions and ways of his neighborhood, he seems to have kept up casual affairs with a good many women without thinking much about it. This became a problem for him only when a woman pressed him to see her more often than he wanted, or otherwise demanded increased intimacy. On his view, such demands were in  no way justified, and, if they persisted, he generally dropped the woman altogether.

It had been a long time since he had lived with his wife, but [p.60] Hoskins seemed to have no intention of getting a divorce. This was partly so that he would not be under as much pressure to marry Melanie or anyone else. After all, anyone interested in marriage would be likely to belong to the mainstream society that Hoskins had left far behind, much further than anyone realized. Melanie gave the appearance of understanding, but she probably didn't, really. There are not many women who would have been enthusiastic about the idea that life can best culminate in a shoot-out.


Chapter 5
[p.61]

Exercises in the Basement

One might be pardoned for wondering what business a bohemian artist had working out in the basement of the Y every weekday morning. It was directly contrary to tradition. In Europe ill health often went with poverty, and, even more than that, the spirituality required for art seemed to imply a disdain for physical activity (with the important exception of sexual activity). Something of this was carried over to America, and many groups of bohemians have indulged heavily in cigarettes, alcohol, drugs, and irregular hours, using only coffee to hold themselves together. As in Europe, robust good health has often been seen as the hallmark of the middle-class person, and, wishing to be different, many a bohemian has taken a little modest pride in his hacking cough and stooped shoulders. Indeed, some have even thought it romantic to have, or seem to have, the beginnings of a terminal disease. For the person with this outlook it is almost a pity that tuberculosis has become so rare, and that it is so difficult to follow D. H. Lawrence in this mode of extinction.

Hoskins could never have been like that. However, his rejection of ill health did pick up on another element that had been present in bohemian life all along. This consisted in the idea that the great mass of prosperous society is always a threat to bohemian life, and that the bohemian must carefully husband his resources and be prepared for the worst. Surely one who thinks in that way would be well advised to guard his health and develop his strength. In addition to this, many bohemians have come to express their hostility to mainstream society by beating it at its own game. For example, when Hoskins saw respectable citizens chugging along the sidewalks in fashionable jogging suits, it gave him definite pleasure to know that, no matter what they did, they would never be a match for him in a physical confrontation.

With a great many men, class hostility is translated into imagined fights, and it was in the gym that Hoskins won those fictional battles with crashing rights to the jaw and punishing swivel kicks to the knees.

On most workout days there were three of us, Hoskins, Steve, and myself. As such, we formed one of the little clusters typical of the Y. Some played handball or racquetball together, others met daily at the universal machine, and others concentrated [p.62] mainly on running or swimming. None of these groups were at all exclusive, and, like the others, we were happy when newcomers interested in judo or wrestling occasionally joined us. While really no different from the other groups, we came to be perceived as rather unusual. Once, when I happened to mention to a man in the locker room that I had been working out with Hoskins, he looked at me in an awed way and answered, "You work out with him?" Surprised, I tried to fathom this response. It turned out that he had once observed Hoskins teaching someone how to kill or disable people with a few quick manoevers. While this is standard practice in a number of martial arts, many people are somewhat unduly impressed the first time they see such techniques demonstrated. This man had apparently concluded that anyone who trained with Hoskins was likely to sneak up behind total strangers, and, with a horrid cry, shatter their spines. Then, too, there were a few people who, seemingly bemused by the group image, lost sight of individuality within the group and got our names confused.

These attitudes were actually confined to only a few people, and, even there, the cause was probably mainly the fact that Steve and Hoskins had certain esoteric physical skills. For example, while Hoskins had mastered some of the more obscure Asian martial arts, Steve threw boomerangs. The idea of throwing something in one direction, and then having it whip around a corner to honk some unsuspecting person, may have seemed just a little eerie. Moreover, while almost everyone did abdominal exercises, it seemed to be mainly Steve and Hoskins who regarded them with positive joy. They counted them in units of a hundred, and anyone who worked out with them generally wound up doing sets of at least fifty. While their enthusiasm was infectious, it was never quite infectious enough to make me sorry when we had finished doing leg lifts while hanging from a bar. The judo and wrestling, already great fun, were made even more attractive by the contrast with abdominal exercises.

After trying all the combinations and sometimes, for a joke, two against one, we would settle down on the mat to rest and talk. Steve sometimes told jokes, but, since Hoskins could generally guess the punch line before Steve got to it, there was more suspense in watching him than in following the joke. Then there might be a discussion as to how to best deal with women. Steve was often in the throes of an intense and complex problem, a matter which one day caused Hoskins to draw on the blackboard beside the mat a likeness of Steve drowning in a Bunyanesque sea of depression. These discussions, like so many others among males over thirty, were defensive in tone. It was [p.63] not a question of seducing anyone or running up any kind of score, but of avoiding the various sorts of pain and trouble  which seem to attend relations between the sexes. Sometimes it seemed that safety in numbers was the best policy. Hoskins had  a number of other strategies to suggest. One was to avoid the  extremely attractive but unpleasant women that Steve sometimes ended up with (each time he broke off with one we had a little celebration). But his final solution, which he jokingly recommended to others, was to marry a woman, separate from her, and then stay married to her. The separation assured an ample supply of other women, and the marriage kept them at a safe distance.

Our discussions undeniably had sexist and macho overtones, but they were yet different from those to be found in most bars. No one thought women were inferior, that they deserved less than equal pay for equal work, or that they should be excluded from any activity. On the contrary, Hoskins encouraged Melanie in weight lifting, and he eventually transferred to a Y where she could also be a member. However, despite this, the assumption was that, in society as it presently exists, men and women tend to have fundamentally different goals that, in any relationship, will eventually come into conflict. There was then a question of who was going to win. For Hoskins, the woman's winning meant marriage and children while the man's winning meant steady sex and a certain amount of domesticity without financial or other commitments. There might be some way in which men and women could live together and satisfy all their goals, but, in the atmosphere of the wrestling mat, such   an idea would have seemed an extraordinary flight of fancy. Given these assumptions, it was almost inevitable that we came down to tactics, not so much for winning, but for avoiding irreparable losses. It often seemed at those times that more enlightened men would need, not so much a greater respect for the rights of women, but a great deal more optimism about the possibility of minimizing interpersonal conflict in general. Hoskins was, if not a cynic, a man who thought that one did well to take what was good before the situation deteriorated altogether.

These conclusions were often rather depressing, and, in the face of Hoskins' bouyant personality, seldom lingered long. Wethen went on to equivallent og a children's  story time. One morning, Hoskind gave  account of one of his brief periods of employment.

"It was just after I came back from San Francisco, and I looked kind of freaky and dangerous. The only job I could get was as a night security guard at a departmentstore. Each night [p.64] when they closed, they locked me in behind those glass doors.I'd stand there looking out, and once some girls came up to the other side of the doors and called through the glass to me. They wanted me to let them in, and, when told them I was the guard, they couldn't believe it. Then they got laughing harder and harder, and more people came until there was quite a little crowd all looking at me like at the zoo. So I jumped up and down and growled and waved my arms."

"Then there was an attack dog that was supposed to help me guard the store. At first he snarled whenever looked at him, but he gradually got used to me, though he was still pretty scary. The trouble was that I had to take him home with me when I got off work. I had him by a big chain, but he'd leap and want to kill people on the sidewalk, and I could just barely hold him. So we sort of zig-zagged back home without wounding anyone, and I got him to go to sleep on the floor beside me. Exceptevery now and then he'd hear something and go charging through the apartment and smash against the door."

"Once I had to drive him out to the vet, and I was going along the freeway with him right behind me in the back seat. I could hear him growling, and it sounded like he might get me in the neck at any moment. By the time I got back I was pretty worried, and I took him over to see Ray. He knows a lot about dogs. Well, we got over to Ray's place without his biting anyone, and I knocked. Ray came downstairs and looked through the glass door at the dog and wouldn't even open the door. He knew too much about dogs."

"It went along like that for a while, but eventually I became that dog's best friend and I could do anything with him, though he remained just as hostile to everyone else. There wasn't much to do those long nights in the empty store since no one was stupid enough to break in, so I started playing games with him. We played hide-and-seek a lot, and I'd run into the women's fitting rooms and he would come crashing under the partitions until he found me. Then l'd push all the elevator buttons and try to get into one without him. Once even faked him in and got out before he could. Then I went through the store yelling until he came down the stopped escalators and found me. The best thing was the bicycle. I'd get a bike from the toy department and some real heavy coat from the men's department. Then I'd put the coat on and ride fast around the store. He'd follow me, skidding and sliding on the turns, and, when he caught up, he'd take a huge chunk out of the coat. Then I'd hang it up and take another coat. We went through a whole lot of coats."

There were a lot of people at the Y, and at other Y's and judo clubs, who also had stories to tell. It was obvious that the differences [p.65]  in the stories said a great deal about the persons. One was a youngish policeman and spare-time weight lifter who had had some horrible experiences in the Washington Park area when he had been a patrolman there. He made these into funny stories which caused people's hair to stand on end, probably in order to exorcise his own demons. The stories actually were funny in the blackest of black ways, but it took a strong stomach to digest them.

Others told deprecating stories about themselves. Jay Loomis was a doctor, less by inclination than by the circumstance of having been born into a second generation Jewish family. As an alternative to military service he had entered the Public Health Service, and was assigned to a study of West Virginia coal miners. A city boy, he had been given a trailer deep in the mountain fastnesses of that state, with no outlet for his considerable literary interests except for the few books he could take with him. His first job was to give physical examinations to the miners, and he quickly encountered some situations for which he had not been trained. For example, one aging miner demanded that Jay write a letter to his wife guaranteeing that he was no longer as sexually potent as he had been previously. It seemed that his wife had been dismayed by the decreasing frequency of their sexual encounters, and had concluded that the miner had a mistress on the side. Jay complied with the request and adjusted to many similar things better than many young doctors might have. He was a little surprised by the extreme sexual reintation of the society, but concluded, reasonably enough:

"There just isn't anything else to do there, so they get totally involved with sex. Then, if anything goes wrong with that, it's a real problem."

While Jay did not find himself a lover in the mountains, the  life style affected him in other ways. Never really very medical to begin with, he quickly lost all faith in the research beingconducted. In all justice to him, it was probably as ill-conceived as most other government projects of that sort.

"One thing, I got tired of going to mines and taking all those Urine samples, cataloguing them, and sending them back to Cincinnati for analysis. So, after a while, I got a great big pitcher of piss in my trailer. I used it myself and invited anyone who came in to piss in it. Then, when it was time to send in the samples, I just poured it into the little bottles."

As fate would have it, Jay was squarely in the middle of making [p.66] up his samples one day when the director of the project, who had come all the way from Cincinnati, walked in.

"I've never seen anyone look as bad as Dr. Winckelmann did that day. He called me a scoundrel, which was probably the worst name he knew, and he went on for a long time. It was the worst thing he could imagine anyone doing. Soon I was recalled to Cincinnati and spent the next month copying entries out of a medical dictionary."

Of a related sort was the story told by Jimmy, a young man given to violent depressions partly brought on by the fact that he taught in a junior high school. 

"It was the year I was studying in Hamburg, Germany. I used to write home to my father in Kansas, and one time I happened to mention that German women didn't shave their legs."

Since Jimmy was another highly literary young man, his letters were impressive, and his father happened to show this one to a friend who was the editor of t h e local small-town newspaper. The editor liked it so much that he printed it, together with a picture of Jimmy. By another stroke of fate, some immigrant Germans in that part of Kansas saw the letter, did not like some remarks in it, and sent it to a newspaper in Hamburg. Thereupon, the Hamburg paper translated the letter into German and printed it, again with Jimmy's picture.

"Since it was only the local tabloid, I didn't see it, and found out about it only later. The first thing knew was when I wentinto a little restaurant and gave my order. The waiter looked kind of funny at me, but he went away with my order. Then, as I was sitting in the middle of the crowded restaurant, the cook came out and walked right up to me. She was an enormous wor.an who must have weighed three hundred pounds, and she lifted her skirts almost to her waist and started screaming at you young me. 'If you don't like my legs, you go to Paris or New York, you young _____.' I managed to get past her out of the restaurant, but I eventually had to leave Hamburg. My father felt real bad about it."

Jay and Jimmy afterwards laughed about these scenes of their earlier humiliation, but Hoskins had too much of a certain kind of pride to talk about his own fiascos, no mater how humorous they might have been. He enjoyed these sorts of stories when others told them, but he lived in a world where one took more precautions. He was not likely to write long [p.67] self-revelatory letters to anyone, and, if he had decided to fake urine samples, he would have locked the door first. He did not invite people to laugh at him, and, if he had been caught in the middle of something, he would have bluffed it out to the end.

The stories which were most like those of Hoskins were told by Kuro Smith. An imposing man some ten. years older than Hoskins, and a good deal bigger, his appearance embodied so many contradictions, at least from the point of view of most midwestern Americans, that they were baffled in their attempts
to classify him. After a number of different careers, he was now teaching English at a junior high school in a poor district different from, but comparable to, Washington Park. There, too, they did not know quite what to make of him, and were not sure  whether to count him as white when they made out their
affirmative action reports.

Kuro solved the kind of discipline problems which so bothered Jimmy rather easily. For example:

"You know how medical students are always playing jokes with parts of the human bodies they get to dissect in anatomy class? Well, a few years back, when I started teaching, I got a human thumb from one of them. Then I made a little pouch for it and hung it from my belt with a chain. Whenever kids acted up, I'd stand over them real close and finger this pouch. After a while they got curious, and they'd often ask what was in it. I always told them, "You don't want to know", or sometimes, "It's something that could happen to you." Then, occasionally, I'd take the pouch off and lay it on my desk on top of the papers. Finally, one day, I had to go to the office for a few  minutes. I told the class to be quiet, and, pointing at the pouch on the desk, I said to one of the big kids, " You watch that and don't let anybody look at it, including you." By the time I got back, the class was completely quiet for the first time in the entire history of that school. Even now, I sometimes overhear kids saying to each other, "You better watch out, you mother, I'm a friend of Mr. Smith."

It is important to keep on top of the situation at any junior high, but, at this one, failure to do so was punished in a vivid way. The home economics teacher, a young woman who was not destined for quite that mission, had immediate trouble. The students in her cooking class ripped off all her clothing and covered her with butter, not neglecting to force it into each opening in her body. With Kuro the students probably knew that a good deal was put-on, but it appealed to the sense of humor of teen-agers who, in their Class Will, bequathed a new body to one of the girls because "the old one was worn out."

[p.68]
Once, again as a half joke, Kuro assigned a paper to be written on the Easter Bunny, a figure not exactly in tune with the prevailing mood of the school. He then described one of the papers.

"A few years ago, there was this white Easter Bunny that came hip-hopping down Liberty Road. He had arms full of all kinds of presents and goodies for the kids and ribbons around him and like that. Then, when he gets to Liberty and Harding, some tough guys see him. They beat him up and take his stuff, and he has to run away with a limp. Then, next year, he's afraid to come back, so there aren't any presents for the kids."

"A couple of years go by that way, but then along comes this big mean old rat who feels sorry for the kids. So he tunnels under Kroger's store and digs up through the floor right where they got all the candy and cookies. Then he drags it all out and hides it. Finally, when Easter comes around, he takes some to each kid in the whole neighborhood. So now we got the Easter Rat."

Like Kuro, Hoskins did not tell stories in which there was ironic pleasure gained from picturing people as helpless waifs at the mercy of fate. In each case, fate may have been savored for dramatic or humorous effect, but their stories jeered at it, and also at the people who let themselves become victims to it. Many of the stories Kuro and Hoskins told were about things they had done which many respectable people would have found highly objectionable, but which ended up in such a way that the shocked middle-class observer had no basis from which to lodge a reasonable complaint. There was never a need to leave town or copy entries froma dictionary, nor any other kind ofhumiliating outcome. With Hoskins this was partly a matter of keeping certain things secret, but, like Kuro, he loved to tie people in elaborate and amusing double binds.

After storytime we would have another workout and then move to the locker room where Hoskins started making his telephone calls. These were a daily ritual, and, even at the time, they hinted at a more extensive life than one would have  expected. After all, an unemployed man with no car, no house, and no business interests would not ordinarily have that many people to call. In the end Steve and I came independently to assume that he was calling married women whose husbands were  at work, an assumption that was lent plausibility when Hoskins much later remarked to me that he was carrying on relations with eight women. In the light of what ultimately happened,particularly the allegations that he was making munitions, one might wonder whether some of those calls really were to lovers.

[p.69]
Whatever the truth may have been, it is clear that there was, or should have been, a bit of a mystery all along, and that it was marked, not only by those calls, but by a degree of systematic reticence on the part of Hoskins.

As people wandered in and out of the shower room, or sat exhausted in front of their lockers, there was general conversation among the many kinds of men who gathered at the Y. Some of them were openly puzzled by Hoskins and could not understand why an obviously middle-class man would choose to live where he did. The questions were always put in a jocular way, and Hoskins would answer in like vein extolling the virtues of the winos and the neighborhood. Sometimes, when the questioners had a glazed look in their eyes, he would mention one of his favorite projects. This was an archaeological dig at Twelfth and Vine.

"We'll all get white pith helmets and khaki shorts, just like the British in Egypt, and then we'll rope off a vacant lot. I used to watch the excavation of the Indian mounds at Fort Ancient so I know just how to do it. We'll get the winos together and give them free Mad Dog to help us dig. Then, when we get down a few feet and find bits of old wine bottles, they can be spread out on a convas. Finally, we'll glue the bits back together and everyone on the dig can have a genuine resurrected Mad Dog bottle to put on his mantle-piece."

A few people had real difficulty in interpreting this sort of thing, particuarly since Hoskins really did get some pith helmets and seemed about to undertake the operation. Sam encouraged Hoskins by being a good audience in a rather noncommittal way, and Hoskins always tried to involve him.

"How about you, Sam? I can see you now in a pith helmet and Shorts."

"I don't think so. I might dig up something I couldn't deal with."

As time went on, Hoskins continued to form friendships at an intermediate level of intimacy with a great variety of people. He found many of these friends at the Central Y and the Williams Y. Most of the men were sufficiently intent on their athletic or physical development so that they would happily take on a training partner who had the necessary skills or level of ability regardless of any other differences that might separate them. And, if two men played handball or lifted weights together, they could spend hours a week together and [p.70] discuss all sorts of subjects for months, or even years, without  the one's ever inviting the other to his house. If there were basic differences of outlook or temperament which might make conversation difficult in a purely social setting, at the Y they could always talk about what they were doing.

The effect of this was that it was easy to meet Hoskins and become friends with him, but virtually impossible to know him as well as most people know their close friends. There can have been few people in the city who were acquainted with more people in a social (as opposed to business or political) way, and all these people were shocked by the manner of his death. On the other hand, there seems to have been no one, with the possible exception of Melanie, to whom he confided his most important plans.

When one considers the ordinary human need to explain oneself and be understood, this is quite remarkable. Even reticent people generally single out a few friends to whom they confide their secrets, or at least hint at them. Indeed, Hoskins seemed to do this. His attitude toward his art was a sensitive subject, as was the source of his income and his military discharge, but he did sometimes talk about those things. And, then, when he talked about his affairs with married women, one had the feeling that these were his most closely guarded  secrets. In the event, there was something much more important that he was concealing. This concealment was obviously  necessary. He probably thought that his friends would have felt compelled to do something if definitely convinced that he really intended to carry out some terrorist plot. And this despite the fact that there was probably nothing that could have been done. No one else, not even a psychiatrist, could have been convinced  that Hoskins really intended to do anything before he actually did it. He appeared to be too normal and healthy, not to say  intelligent and rational. He himself must have known that he could have passed off any rumors as to his intentions as arising out of a joke, and that he would have been believed. But he  probably did not want to put his friends on the spot by letting them know too much.

If a terrorist were looking for a good cover, it would be hard to improve on that of Hoskins. Solitary isolated figures are always noticed by someone, and they generate suspicion. Moreover, all that loneliness and conscious concealment will create psychological pressures that mount with each year and ultimately become intolerable. Hoskins had had his plans for a good many years, perhaps as many as fifteen, and there are not many spies and secret agents who remain in the field that long. On the one hand, even though he may have engaged in other covert activies, Hoskins was not as subject to arrest as they [p.71] are; on the other, his self-imposed mission was not simply to gather information, but to take on society in a frontal and suicidal manner.

There have been spies who have remained in place for decades in the hope of coming by a single crucial piece of information. For example, there was the German watchmaker who established himself near the British naval base at Scapa Flow right after World War I. He had to wait almost twenty years before he heard from a sailor that one of the submarine nets would be out of place on a particular night. He may have been a little crazy by that time, but it did not require any great resolve or judgment to report the obviously important fact that led to the sinking of the British battleship Royal Oak by a U-boat.

The man who has to plan his action and carry it out all by himself cannot afford to have his judgment distorted by overly secretive habits, or by bizarre personal relations. He is likely to keep his secret better, and act more effectively when the time comes, if he mingles freely and easily with large numbers of people. He will then accumulate other, lesser, secrets of the ordinary kind, and he can divulge them appropriately. If his image is as light-hearted as was that of Hoskins, he can even be caught in the middle of his preparations and pass them off as a harmless amusement. He need only maintain a certain reticence on a few subjects, subjects which no one is likely to bring up anyway.

Whether Hoskins consciously thought of his lifestyle as a means of concealment will never be known. Even if he did not, he had a way of naturally adapting to the terrain in which he found himself, and his way of hiding his true intentions should be seen as such an adaptation. A few of his closest friends wondered about a few things. Some may have had a feeling that something was wrong. Even they would have known better than to try to influence him. Thus, on balance, no other kind of life could have served his ultimate purpose nearly so well.

 [p.72] BLANK



Chapter 6
[p.73]

The Demands of the Culture

Like any other original invention, Hoskins' plan for living was an amalgamation of existing patterns. In particular, it allowed him to satisfy certain traditional demands, but in a new and strikingly different way.

One of these demands concerned whatever it is that is known as masculinity. While almost everyone in our culture seems to have difficulty in deciding what his or her sex role ought to be, much less realizing it, the sub-culture of the southern mountains, i n which Hoskins was raised, gives these concepts a special twist. There, for better or worse, masculinity has a good deal to do with killing, and even more with risking violent death with equanimity. There are special rules which might as well
have been arranged to test that equanimity. Translated into the urban life of Appalachian Cincinnati, one of these rules says that, when the wife of one man is caught with another man, there must be a confrontation betweeen husband and lover. Afterwards, the husband, if he has survived so long, may, at his option, do anything he pleases to his wife. Not all the husbands who are committed to that code follow it with joy in their hearts. Some take rather circuitous pre-emptive measures. One such, on a bench in Washington Park, was once heard to advise another with respect to his wife,

"Either feed her too little or too much. That way no one else will want her."

This is not exactly a modern urban idea. But, then, citified men are allowed to settle differences in court. In the mountains, where honor does not allow for such solutions, it is safer to have a wife who is either obese or emaciated.

These rules are really only extreme forms of ones that operate in the larger society. It is probably unfortunate that there is still such a thing as a peculiarly masculine sense of honor which goes far beyond such things as telling the truth and not stealing from orphans. However, these "weakened" rules do allow for the loss of one woman to another man without violent confrontation, provided that a better looking woman is quickly acquired. Moreover, while physical combat is no longer required outside of quite special circumstances, the man who has honor is required to be conspicuously successful in some form of [p.74] competition. This is not usually very difficult since he can choose his weapon, and it can range anywhere from a tennis racquet to a stock portfolio. In the worst case, nothing is required beyond the ability to consume impressive amounts of alcohol. Finally, having cultivated some such ability, honor can be secured by periodically letting other people see it in action.

Hoskins claimed that all this was silly. On the narrow front, he denied having sexual jealosy and said that Melanie, or anyone else, was free to have affairs without his raising any difficulties . He seems to have meant this and, unlike most men, to have suited action to words. He also tried to free himself from the other implications of the masculine sense of honor, an extremely difficult thing for any man to do. He was, for example, openly scornful of the ordinary sort of competitiveness which exists among American men. The problem, as he saw it, was that so many men used competition to give themselves a little feeling of superiority over those that had been vanquished, and loved to let the latter know, sometimes in relatively subtle ways, that they felt rather good about being winners. The opposite side of the coin was that, when they lost, they were prickly and uncomfortable because they expected the winners to act as they would in their places.

Hoskins' divergence from the standard pattern was nowhere clearer than in supposedly competitive sports. If he had stuck to Kung Fu, he could have been an acknowledged master. But he had a great urge to try new things, and did not mind being thrown in judo, outmanoevered in wrestling, or hit in the head in boxing. According to his view, there really should not be any competition at all. It was just a matter of people individually pursuing their own goals and helping each other whenever possible. That was where the y came in. If one worked out with someone who was better in a given area, it was both a chance to learn something and an opportunity to enjoy an exhibition of skill. Afterwards one asked a few questions and dismissed any injuries that might have occurred along the way.

He was, however, quick to distinguish those who understood these things trom those who did not. Once, in sparring, a man hit him unnecessarily hard, and in such a way as to indicate that he was more interested in "winning" than in learning. Hoskins hit him hard enough to ring his bell, and he was never again seen at the Y. Thus, even decades after his stint with the Marines, it was typical of Hoskins to adopt a position of non-assertiveness, and then back it up with the implicit threat of physical force. His final expedition, with its humanitarian message, could be looked on as a vast magnification of a number of tiny incidents at the Y.

This sort of attitude has great advantages for any man other [p.75] than the very few who are so liberated that they need not worry, even on the subconscious level, whether they are sufficiently masculine. On the one hand, it allows a man to be as enlightened as he pleases and decry everything macho, while, on
the other, he can think of himself as an enforcer.

Sometimes people sense a contradiction in the use of violence to support non-violence, particularly when terrorists claim to have non-violent objectives, as they often do. However, the objection probably should be aimed, not at the principle itself, but at particular applications of it. The spanking of children when they aggress on other children is a relatively innocuous application of the same doctrine, and it really can be used to make children a little less savage. Moreover, the people who were afraid of Hoskins were often the ones who benefited from that fear. His final foray in violent non-violence should not be allowed to obscure the fact that his methods were frequently successful and well-chosen.

Most often, a competitive man was the object of a little joke rather than a physical injury, and one such incident was particularly instructive. Hoskins had noticed two men who took particular pride in the number of sit-ups that they did. When they reached three hundred a day they were pleased enough to talk about it a little. Hoskins himself never talked about how much weight he lifted or how many exercises he did except when others, particularly women, had been doing them with him, and he wanted them to take satisfaction in their accomplishment. Having decided that Johny and Hank were being a little too superior about their sit-ups, he waited a week before mentioning that Melanie did four hendred and fifty a day. What delighted him was not the immediate response, but the fact that Johny and Hank abandoned all their other exercises in order to do more sit-ups. Hoskins happily observed the process as they daily groaned from their sit-up boards and tried to forc ever more repetitions from painfully over-strained stomach muscles.

"Do you think four hundred and sixty will be enough? It would be if Melanie were a man, but I think they'!! have to do five

Five hundred it turned out to be. Having achieved their goal, Johny and Hank had less motivation to continue, and, within a month, were back to three hundred. This, no doubt, was appropriate to their goals, just as it made sense for Melanie, who did not have a gym full of exercise equipment, to do more. But they no longer talked in quite the same way, and they probably realized that, unfortunate as it was, it was not a really [p.76] shattering thing if a woman did more sit-ups than they.

Another concept that attracted him was one associated with the Japanese martial arts, that of being "soft outside and hardinside." The idea was that one who had reached a certain level of self-discipline "inside" could afford t o present a gentle exterior, even t o the extent of suffering a certain carefully calculated amount of rudeness from others. In its original context that necessary self-discipline implied anything from running barefoot for miles in the snow t o entering a judo tournament with a broken rib. As it happened, Hoskins did run barefoot in the snow at night in Washington Park, but it was not done in the Japanese spirit with clenched teeth and a grimace. Rather, it was done for fun, not the least part of the fun being the looks on the faces of winos huddled deep in their Salvation Army overcoats.

One of the large official books on judo was co-authored by an elderly Japanese worthy and an American who had devoted his life to judo. Hoskins liked to do imitations of them, popping out his eyes and grimacing horribly for the Japanese, and then, for the American, kneeling spastically before the master. The book seemed to say it all when it addressed itself to the virtually unthinkable idea that some misguided judoka might actually drink an alcoholic beverage before arriving at the dojo. This appalling thought, tucked discreetly into a footnote, was given extremely short shrift. Such a practice could in no circumstances be tolerated, not because of the possibility of injury, but because it might lead to "undignified behavior on the mat." Hoskins did not drink, but he thought that undignified behavi on the mat ought to be encouraged at all costs. He certainly did his part.

Despite these differences in attitude, and provided that the "hard inside" part of the dictum allowed for some fun and games, the basic idea was still  sympathetic. While it is to imagine a highly ranked Japanese judo or karate man being very outgoing in his humility, Hoskins really did have the ability to put people immediately at ease. Like the Japanese, too, he would probably have said that it was a good thing to tolerate a certain amount of guff before, say, delivering a deft blow to the genitals.

 This idea of the soft outside was much more characteristic of Hoskins in his early middle age than it seems to have been of his youth. The "pacifism" of his Marine Corps days, where he had simply attacked men who were mean to smaller weaker men, was gradually replaced by something much more subtle, at least until the end. One of his discoveries was that a great many people who looked as if they might be aggressive could be controlled quite easily in advance. Hoskins particularly liked to [p.77] experiment with the members o f the motorcycle gangs who sometimes came around his neighborhood.

"You start off by getting closer to the man than he wants you to be. Smile, but invade his personal space. He won't know how to protest. Then touch him. On the arms or shoulders. It looks friendly, but you are actually controlling him psychologically. And, of course, you do it in such a way as to set up a martial arts technique in case of trouble. You know you have control of him, and he knows it too, even though he doesn't know how."

Still, to the extent that the soft outside implied helping others in distress, as it seemed to, it must have appeared to Hoskins that he was not accomplishing very much. Indeed, someone who is really committed to helping the downtrodden has relatively few options. The obvious one, of beating up bullies, has its limitations. Not only does one eventually get too old for that, but, more important, the biggest and worst bullies do not use physical force and are not easy to reach. Anyhow, not too much would be gained by marching, into the office of the president of an offending company and kneeing him in the groin amid the screams of horrified secretaries. Hoskins knew this perfectly well, but the alternative, some sort of organized protest, was really unavailable to him.'

Organized protests almost always involve organized politics, if not the political parties as such. But it would be hard to be less political than Hoskins. While he may have had a few friends who happened to be politicians, he distrusted all the parties deeply. Moreover, he was highly and openly contemptuous of any kind of leftist ideology. Even when Melanie joined a radical neighborhood organization dedicated to exactly the goals Hoskins was later to proclaim in his "announcement", he treated it with derision and refused outright to join himself.

Hoskins' distrust of politics, and even of any organized social group, derived from something deeper. More strongly than anything, he believed that nothing is worth doing that involves sharing basic decisions with others.

On the very few occasions when conversation edged toward this topic, he would make analogies to art. Letting someone else influence personal decisions would be comparable to an artist's changing colors in a painting to please someone else. That, in turn, would be almost as silly as doing a painting in collaboration with another artist. A student of art might take suggestions from a teacher, but this would be out of the question for a mature artist. Since Hoskins applied aesthetic principles everywhere, this made many kinds of co-operation impossible. In fact, it was harder to get him to alter his [p.78] schedule or habitual way of doing things than it would a traditionally busy person whose docket is crammed for months to come. Apart from the basic difficulty in getting him to come out of his house and neighborhood, it sometimes seemed that no power on earth would get him to wrestle on Thursday instead of Friday if it implied some alteration in his general routine. On Friday he would wrestle with anyone who showed up, and, if Thursday was weight lifting day, he would lift with anyone present. If there was a dire necessity, he might work out a whole new schedule, but, generally speaking, he avoided compromise by seeking out people whose plans already happened to dovetail with his own. About this he made no bones. Life consisted in what he called "projects", and a shared project was virtually inconceivable.

This is not to say that Hoskins did not have a quite genuine desire to help the people in his community. However, there are not many ways to accomplish much strictly on one's own. The consequence was that such actions as he took in defense of underdogs came to have less and less effect. Since he was not given to self-deceit, he was quite aware of that fact. The resulting sense of futility must have been one of the elements leading to that final project, one which could hardly have been more solitary.

Another part of the problem is that, if one shows the soft outside long enough, it is difficult to know how hard the inside really is. There are many people who gradually lose the substance on which their self-image rests without ever realizing it. Then, when the crisis comes and they need to call on that hidden strength, it is not there any longer. Only a fool depends on something that has not been tested recently, and Hoskins certainly was not that. It had apparently been at least a coupl of years since his last street fight, and that bothered him. He had also become too sensible to pick one just to test himself. He did what he could to keep in good condition, and such things as wrestling, boxing, and judo were, in one way, better test than fights with incompetents in the street. Still, no matter how hard we tried, there is always an element of intensity which is missing when one knows that the other is not trying to hurt one. Hoskins must have increasingly felt the need to conduct one more trial of strength. 


Chapter 7
[p.79]

The Glories of Failure

The concept of failure is both complex and powerful. It enters into the daily lives of millions of people. It also has a different meaning for different generations.

An important group at the Y consisted of men born from 1900 to about 1925. That is, the generation that fought World War II. Many of these men had played conspicuous parts in that war. Not only that, they had been mature adults at the time when the country had risen, in many ways, to be the greatest country in history. Since this outcome rested in large part on a military victory, the sense of accomplishment from having played even a small part must have been considerable. A man with a good war record would always be remembered for it no matter what happened afterward. Looking back on it all, it was no wonder that so many of the older men at the Y found it so easy to joke with each other as if there were no real worries in the world.

The next group covered those born until the beginning of the baby boom after World War II. This was the generation which was supposed to achieve financial and social sccess. The ideal here was the sort of man whose parents had not finished high school, but who himself had an advanced degree and a professional or business position which paid him at least twice his father's income. Hoskins' birth date placed him well within this group, and he must, at the beginning, have seemed in an excellent position. His parents had come from the country to the city when he was young enough to take advantage of the city schools (before they became what they are now, and his unusual intelligence must have made its appearance early. However, the one almost sure way not to cash in on the post-war economic Doom was to become an artist. Even most alcoholics did better.

It was a pity that Hoskins was not born fifteen or twenty years later, which would have placed him in the third group. While the fifties were the time for upward social mobility, it is now quite common for the children of highly educated professional people to drop out ot school and become waitresses, short-order cooks, and the like. Along with this supposediy downward movement, there is a great lessening of the stigma attached to these jobs, largely because there are so few "satisfactory" jobs available. It has also led people to realize that one can work at even a menial job, read good books, belong to groups of intelligent and articulate people, and live a quite [p.80] fulfilling life. Moreover this new bohemian social milieu is perfectly suited to the sort of independent self-educated intellectual who would never have been interested in working or making money even in the best of times. A younger version of Hoskins would fit right in with countless groups of other young persons, and would not seem particularly strange or eccentric. Still, being born when he was, there was no such easy road, and no way of getting those traditional demands completely off his back, no matter how well he seemed to settle into life at Twelfth and Vine.

In the careers of even bohemian artists there was generally a time when they thirsted after, or at least dreamed about, the sort of public success which would impress the cousins who were doctors or rising company executives. In Cincinnati, as in other cities, each year produces a new crop of able young artists who feel they are on the edge of producing something truly remarkable. It is probably unfortunate that their notion of the remarkable is something that will compel respect from almost everyone who witnesses it, and which will eventually produce a degree of fame, at least among the knowing. The odds against these young people are at least one thousand to one. The most interesting ones are often those that come close to success, but do not quite make it. Their teachers praise them, and their fellow students sometimes even speak of them in awed tones. Moreover, they come close enough to the mark to realize that they are in competition with people of so nearly equal ability that the few who succeed will be chosen by their friendships with the influential, the way they look and behave, and, above all, by chance. This fact revolts some who are either purest of heart or most naive. It is then that they quickly take their work away from the market place, or any place where it can is judged by the imperfect judges of this world.

It is hard to know exactly what sort sort of roadblocks Hoskins may have encountered, and, most important, what sort of inner reaction he had when confronted with these facts of artistic life. We do know that he had made at least one suicide attempt, and it is probable that it had as much to do with art as with women.

The recognition that they are not destined to be famous artists who can support themselves on their art leads to a parting of the ways for a great many artists. Some make a decision which is as radical and hard to reverse as the decision to enter a convent or monastery. This is to sit precariously but resolutely on the fence of civilized society. The cries of the dispossessed come from one side while, on the other, many people of much less intrinsic worth carry off every kind of reward devised by man. It is not easy to develop one's art unde r[p.81] those circumstances, and only a few manage to do so.

It is much more common for failed artists to go the same way as many other kinds of failures. They hold a respectable job, which they curse in private (and sometimes in public), and they take to drink, but not in sifficient quantities to end them up in Washington Park. Many turn bitter, and some take out their failure on their families. Most do not undertake physical fitness programs, and most do not make any serious attempt to turn failure into success of some other sort. A few may, in addition, throw whatever obstacles they can in the path of young people on the way up and feel a little harmless joy whenever one of them slips on a loosened rung in the ladder. The problem of failure in our society was put best by a man I met on an airplane in the middle of a wild winter night. He was a businessman who had been a football player at Notre Dame (evidently a star) some years previously, and he was concerned with some news that he had just received.

"About a year ago I tried to recruit a player for Notre Dame. A big running back, he had everything, size, speed, quick acceleration, even split vision. But his grades and tests were low. Finally they thanked me for my trouble but said they couldn't take him. "Joe, he can't make it here, and it wouldn't be good
for him to try." By this time I'd talked a lot with the boy and his parents and I wanted to do something for him. So I got him a full ride at another place that was lower academically. Well, he went there last fall never having sat on the bench for even a minute. He had been that valuable to his high school team, and he never got hurt. For some reason he didn't start on the freshman team at college. Maybe there was someone better, but probably he wasn't coached and handled well. So he played some, not too well I gather, and sat down mostly. He got half way through the season that way, and do you know what that pig fucker did then?"

At this point the handsome intelligent face with a receding hairline above a hooked nose took on a black look.

"He'd leave just before the end of a game, beat the others back to the locker room, and steal money out of wallets."

"The trouble was that no one, including me, ever prepared him for failure. His coaches had all been full of the Vince Lombardi, "Winning isn't the main thing, it's the only thing" kind of stuff. Not only did it not tell you what to do if you lost, it implied that it didn't matter what you did if you lost. So this is a kid with very limited resources in terms of intelligence and character. Everyone has told him he can't fail. He does fail. At [p.82] that point a kid like that may steal or he may do anything. Andit isn't really his fault. Not mostly anyhow."

"It's the same in business too. There are many more failuresthan successes, and we have an educational system that prepares people only for success. It ought to prepare people for failure."
Coming from one of few men who obviously could not fail, except possibly in some esoteric (perhaps Catholic) terms defined by himself, this undoubtedly sincere reverse pep talk made as indelible an impression in the night sky as the alarming noises coming from the tortured airframe.

It is not quite true to say that society has no plans whatever for people who fail. For example, the aspiring youth who wants to be a high corporate executive is likely to be found, thirty years later, working for someone who works for such an executive. By now promoted to his level of incompetence (as Lawrence Peter so aptly puts it), he has a desk in a large office from which he can just barely see the outer door to the private office in which his erstwhile ambitions would have placed him. Similarly, the failed politician ends up in an uninteresting political patronage job in the county courthouse, and the failed artist ends up doing layout and pasting letters on advertisicopy for the local newspaper. Society lets the person decide his or her avenue of advance, and then, as a result of some combination of ability, bribery, and luck, finally places that person at some point along the path. If one does fail, it is demoralizing to have a job which is a parody of the desired one, while, at the same time, one has to watch, and probably serve, the person who has the job. It might be much healthier to try something else altogether, this time with more realistic expectations. BUT it is a small minority of persons who do. and it is in this sense that our system does not prepare us for failure.

Bohemians as a group do have an attitude toward failure, and a way of dealing with it. It is claimed that the ambition of middle-class professional people i s misplaced because rewards are not worth having, much less striving for. As applied to art, this attitude is that fame is as meaningless as money because most of it comes from the unknowing. More important, there is no useful purpose to which that fame can be put. The best an artist can do is to satisfy himself and those few others who understand what he is trying to do.

This may sound quite comfortable. It is for some people. It was for Hoskins at times. But he was not really quite mellow enough to feel entirely comfortable with anything that might be problems. perceived as failure by anyone. Therein lay one of the main problems. [p.83]

A more positive effect of artistic activity without much outward reward consists in some rather interesting ideas about art itself. These were not new with Hoskins, and are not easily transmitted verbally. Rather, they have to be rediscovered by each new generation o f bohemian artists.

Hoskins came to think that the process of painting is more important than the finished painting, and more generally, that the art object is only a souvenir of the process of creating it. This kind of purism is largely limited to artists. The non-artist, who knows nothing of this sort of experience, has access onlyto the finished products and I cannot imagine that there is anything else of value. The artist's view may be quite different. He generally takes most satisfaction either at certain points within the process, when problems are solved, or at the moment when he finishes. After that, the object, whether sold or hanging on his wall, tends to lose value for him. Even if he continues to like it, it becomes gradually commonplace, and can never again compete for his enthusiasm with his present work It is not uncommon for the reflective painter to realize this, and to begin telling his friends that what he finds really valuable is, not his collection of work, but his continuing ability to paint.

At this point bohemian artists differ somewhat from those who sell their work for good prices. If other people pay thousands of dollars at a time for one's paintings, it is natural to take them a bit more seriously oneself. Moreover, even young painters who have not yet sold, but hope to, may look upon their finished work as capital which will support them later on. This attitude changes only when they find that there are no takers. It is the opposite attitude which fits the life of the bohemian artist best. If he regards finished paintings as dead, he has no qualms about painting over them, and is thus spared the time and expense of stretching new canvas. The problem of storing finished unsold work is not so critical, and, if he wishes, the destruction of old work can form the basis for a happening.Granted, there is something sad in all this. However, one who is intent on turning commercial failure into success of another sort must face it almost every day of his or her life.

In addition to this embrace of "failure", there is another factor that must be dealt with: anger at those bad artists who succeed commercially by some combination of salesmanship, "contacts", and pure bullshit. Any serious artist is aware that a good deal of this goes on, often commanding high prices, and it is on odd teature of most people that the undeserved success of others grates more heavily than their own undeserved failure. Hoskins was far from the only one who had been brought close to suicide by such things, but, in his later years, this anger had [p.84] decreased, and had been partly replaced by amusement at the over-seriousness of some artists and dealers. Not to mention people who tried to be fashionable by involving themselves in art. He had come to think that a certain amount of nonsense is inevitable in art, but that it should be happy nonsense rather than pretentious nonsense.

When looked at in this way, there was no reason that the process of creation need be devoid of fun and humor. On the contrary, if it took itself too seriously, there would always be the risk that the art would limit itself by arbitrarily excluding potentially valuable and relevant parts of human experience. It also seemed to Hoskins that art should parallel life, not only by containing humor, but in other ways. For example, he thought it foolish for the artist to pretend to make his work eternal, or for others to try to make it so. Better yet, the art should contain the seeds of its own destruction in the way that the human body does. Nothing could have pleased him more than to have produced a work, say a sculpture, which would dramatically self-destruct. Ideally, it would be sold to rich people and placed on a pedestal. Then, during a social occasion, it would implode with a soft hiss, leaving behind little but the smell of
a monumental fart.

It was in such a frame of mind that, one morning sitting on the mat, he founded "Neo-noodleism." The idea of engaging in foolishness for its own sake, yet drawing on whatever artistic resources one might have, attracted even some otherwise fairly serious people. It might not produce valuable art, but, if one regarded art objects as hollow remnants of interesting experiences, that did not matter.

By the time Hoskins had produced neo-noodleist match-book covers, and was well on his way to T-shirts, the joke had been elaborated somewhat. There was, for example, a hand signal for neo-noodleists to use in greeting one another. He also did not neglect to take off all the other little groups of artists and literary people who regarded themselves as being sufficiently elite to scrutinize new members suspiciously. It was, Hoskins said, characteristic of a person who would never make the group to ask what neo-noodleism was. The members of the group already knew. It was also a little like a Rotary Club with a neo-noodleist lawyer, a doctor, a good many artists, and mixed other ranks. Hoskins liked to deliver mock political harangues, which always turned out to be self-contradictory, but were imflammatory in all directions at once. Then, when the innocents in his audience in the weight room were looking wonderingly at each other, he would talk in low obviously sincere tones of placing a neo-noodleist on the city council. Since he was, in fact, related by marriage to a city council [p.85] member who attended his parties, and later his funeral, some people were never sure quite how far the joke went. And then, afterwards, they wondered whether it had really been a joke at all.

These people were misguided. Neo-noodleism was never a conspiracy, and it was certainly a joke, though one on which could be hung some relatively serious ideas about art. One such idea underlying it was that, since painting was more valuable as an activity than as a process of production, there were other activities, even "unproductive" ones, which admit of corresponding subtleties and variables, and which could also have aesthetic value. For example, the theater has always been recognized as an artistic activity in which the medium is the body of the actor, manoevered according to a previously conceived master plan. Closer to Hoskins' temperament was the happening, a kind of performance that allows much more spontaneity than a stage play, and which may also use art objects as props. While Hoskins did not often use the word, they were going on in both Cincinnati and San Francisco during his stay there, and were part of his artistic outlook. If he did not like the word, it was probably only because happenings had since gone beyond the ironic fantasies of chess-playing coffee drinkers, and had become pretentious and arty. His attitude was that such things should be a normal part of everyday life. In reaching that conclusion, he made it virtually impossible to distinguish between art and non-art, except, perhaps, in terms of degrees. Thus, even a hike in the woods was partly orchestrated around a cluster of sights to be seen, experiences and feelings to be had, and, then, some sort of surprise event which would be improvised and later remembered.

As time passed, Hoskins seemed to think in longer terms. The projects often included works of art in the narrow sense, but went far beyond that. For example, on one of his expeditions to the Sunday morning flea market with Melanie, he was passing down one of the long rows of the drive-in movie theater when he noticed something unusual. It was a large doll of a nun,about a foot high, which stood out from the other dolls with its black habit. While such a thing might seem a rather odd gift for a little girl, the Cincinnati o f the thirties should not be underestimated. It had probably originally been given to a girl by her parents in the hope that she would become a nun herself. Hoskins had something else in mind.

With a big smile, he picked the nun up and displayed her to Melanie. Then, with several bystanders looking on, he picked up the nun's skirts and probed with his finger underneath. Since the flea-market tended to draw all sorts of people, this action might have offended some if it had not been performed with [p.86] such obvious good humor. As it was, a middle-aged lady of highly respectable appearance, who was standing nearby, had great difficulty in hiding her laughter.

As often with Hoskins, there was a veiled satirical meaning. In this case it was the fact that he was standing beside an ex-nun whom he was figuratively handling sexually, and who was in full accord, as when she had inscribed that picture of herself in full habit, "To Jim, with love." The lady who was trying to conceal her amusement did not know quite the whole story. It was a foregone conclusion that Hoskins would buy the nun, but also that he would alter it to satisfy his aesthetic sense.After taking the doll apart and slightly elongating the neck, he repainted it to achieve an unpleasant sickly pallor and installed false eyelashes. Then he removerd the hair and dressed the nun in her habit with the hood back far enough to reveal the bald head. This, because of the alteration t o the neck, bore a disturbing relationship to the rest of the body. When he finished by mounting his nun in an open box suggestive of a coffin, she had a striking and grotesque aspect which would not have been out of place in any collection of modern art.

Most likely, Hoskins intended the object for Ray's gallery, in which case it would be, not so much an exhibit in itself, but a prop for another happening, the opening of the show. That, in turn, would imply a pattern of behavior, a decision whether to take Melanie or someone else, and so on. On the other hand, even if it never left the apartment, it would become part of the Tour of the Apartment and Studio. This consisted in taking each new visitor upstairs through the studio, and then the apartment, where there were scattered an extraordinary number and mixture of curious objects, exotic books, and art of all sorts. People of a naive kind were occasionally a bit surprised at some of the things they saw. For the more worldly, the shock was the fact that an artist who seemed to take himself so lightly had produced so much good work, a good deal of which was scattered upside down and helter-skelter amid old air guns and bits of automobile. One wanted to rescue it, but, of course, one realized that for him it had importance only as a way of enhancing the Tour, and may have had a less pivotal role than the canine excrement on the floor.

When an artist reaches the stage where anything can be seen as material for art, art is likely to take over totally. That may happen even if he does not call it art. It becomes almost impossible for him to hold a job or enter into any very demanding relations with other people without hopelessly compromising that art. The actions which are aesthetically right are almost never the ones required to keep a job, and, unless a spouse is engaged in much the same sort of activity, the artist wil be [p.87] misunderstood there too. Melanie followed him a certain distance, and gloried in some of the schemes he thought up. But even this unusual tolerance may have backfired in the end, giving him the idea that she was willing to go much farther than she was.

It is a feature of all good art that it is executed according to a plan. The plan may not exist in much detail before the work is begun, or, if it does, it may change; nevertheless, when finished, the artist will be able to say why he or she has done things in one way rather than another. This applies to avant-garde art as much as to any other, no matter how unconventional the techniques. Even if buckets of paint are thrown at canvas, the artist may have a particular effect in mind, and
may have to throw fifty buckets in order to achieve it. He or she may then get something that could never have been produced with brush or palette knife. Thus, when art and daily life merged for Hoskins, an artist of his ability would naturally want to plan things out as carefully as possible. Moreover, in his search for increasing aesthetic satisfaction, there was\a tendency to integrate as many of his projects as possible into one grand scheme.

This is much more dangerous than it sounds. In art or elsewhere, an attempt to tie together a large collection of disparate elements into a unified whole is likely to have unanticipated consequences, and may contain some unpleasant surprises.

It may also be helpful to use a military analogy of the sort that Hoskins liked so much. He was like a commander of irregular troops or guerillas who had fought a number of minor engagements. Some operations had failed while others had succeeded without attracting much attention. As time passes, hebecomes increasingly frustrated, but, at the same time, begins to think on a larger scale. Finally, at the point of desperation, he decides to gather all his forces and stake everything on one battle, a much bigger battle than he has ever fought. If he can achieve victory, at whatever cost, it will make up for a lifetime of little defeats.

It was clear that Hoskins did have some more extensive project than the ones he talked about. For example, he was always hurrying off to do something or other, but, unlike other people, he never mentioned what it was he was so concerned with. This is not to say that the plan was limited specifically to one objective. He could not have been as happy and relaxed as he was most of the time if he had been constantly contronting death on a conscious level. But the plan must always have been there in reserve, and he may have found it comforting to do a, little more work on it every couple of days or so.

[p.88]
No one asked him about the purpose of his activities, partlybecause of the kinds of friends t h a t h e chose, and partly because of the atmosphere of the Y. The fac that one couldwork out six days a week there and never feel the imptation to confide anything one would later regret had a good deal to do with the moral leadership of the older men. They were at once easy to get on with and rather impersonal. One had the feeling that they had seen someone or other make most of the mistakes that there are in life, and that they would be disturbed if they thought that their younger compatriots were bent on making those mistakes. One consequently tried to seem a bit wiser and more sensible than one really was. They could laugh about some of their own misadventures, knowing that they would not be repeated, but they did not ask many questions of their younger friends, particularly ones like Hoskins. They may have been afraid of the answers. Since the style of these men was attractively wordly and comfortable, it was copied by much younger men. Thus, the downtown Y, again in contradistinction to the family Ys, constituted a refuge from prying questions.

It was, oddly enough, Hoskins himself who came closest to breaking the rules. He raised controversial subjects and sometimes expressed opinions that might have offended some of those present. It occasionally seemed that he was indulged as a talented and rambunctious favorite child whose sins were forgiven because of his underlying good intentions. But, whatever else he did, he never once asked a question that someone might not want to answer. As a result, he was never asked such questions himself, and, for all anyone knew, he could have been hatching a plot to blow up half the city.


This aspect of Hoskins' life at the Y has had some unanticipated consequences for some of his male friends. I t has happened several times that they have been confronted by feminists who have asked the following questions:


"Surely, some of you at theY must have known that something was going on with Hoskins. Didn't you try to do something about it?"

"Was it that you recognized him for the dangerous person he was, and didn't want t o deal with that?"

"I can't imagine that a group of women would have taken such a hands-off attitude toward one of their number. Didn't you feel that you ought to confront him and try to work something out?"

These questions apply to a good many cases in addition to the [p.89] one under discussion, and are not easily answered. But they need to be.

Those who knew Hoskins, both female and male, can supply part of the answer. There are many people with whom it is possible to approach delicate subjects by degree. One gets them talking about themselves, and they find themselves revealing more than they had originally intended. Not only that, they come to see that their frustrations are not so different from those of other people, and they may even consider the possibility that solutions which have worked for others might work in their own cases. Many people have been at least temporarily talked out of suicide in some such fashion.

It is inconceivable that Hoskins would have engaged in any such conversation. He revealed some things to his friends, but only things he had already decided to reveal, such as the outline of his relations with women. Nothing could have induced him to disclose anything beyond that. He would instantly have seen through any attempt to draw him out, and would never again have trusted anyone who attempted it.

There may also be some systematic differences between male society and female society which touch on this issue. Many women feel that an intrusion into the affairs of someone else, even if resisted and resented at the time, is justified if it heads off trouble later on. On the other hand, very few groups of men have the kind of intimacy, probably born of being underdogs. which would allow them to make the inquiries which would reveal the trouble so clearly as to require action.

Moreover, when faced with a strong man who is not to be swayed by a little peer group pressure, most other men are quick to assume that they do not have access to the levers which might b e used to move him out of a position he has taken. Generally they are right. The two common levers, sex and the lust for power, are not available to many, and were particularly inapplicable in Hoskins's case. He really did not want power, so even the few in a position to promise it could not have reached him on that level. He did want sex, but he was entirely heterosexual, and he could find his own women. Even women could not use that lever very effectively. If one were to start refusing or rationing sex in an attempt to influence him, he would quickly have replaced her with another. Thus, even now, there is little reason for anyone at the Y to think that there is something that he could, or should, have done. No one could have found out much with questions, and, even if he had, he still could not have deterred Hoskins from his basic course.

Still, it is now possible to at least guess at the answers to some of the questions that no one ever asked Hoskins. Anyone with that many ideas and that strong a desire to integrate them [p.90] together would have to be working toward one vast plan with slots for all the projects comprising it. Since, in this case, all these projects were intended to increase the amount of aesthetic value to be found in daily life, the master plan would naturally have been for his life as a whole. And, of course, that would include its end.

Most people think about their own deaths in only a rather vague way, steering clear o f the details. It is, after all, unpleasant to think of most forms of death. Some people grow slightly hysterical at such prospects and make peculiar jokes. One Japanese scientist, in an obituary for another, wrote, "Ironically, though a specialist in fluid mechanics, he died of an internal hemhorhage." (He could control all kinds of fluids, but not his own blood! HA, HA, HA!) Hoskins did not think in that way, and he evidently chose the sort of death that would fit his lifestyle in much the way that he might have decided on a finishing touch for a work of art.

Since a style of death tends to go with a style of life, there are many people of whom one can say whether their manner of death is fitting. For example, if a man has always lived quietly and cautiously, it is appropriate that he die in the course of an optional operation to head off some potential problem, and that he have the sort of insurance that will cover his funeral. A compulsive gambler, on the other hand, might prefer challenge another such to a game of Russian Roulette, with the understanding that the survivor go to Las Vegas with the total assets of the deceased .

As far as that goes, it was entirely appropriate that Hoskins should die by gunshot, but it is likely that he thought in much larger terms. He must have realized that he could use his own death to achieve something which would, in its own way, eclipse anything that had ever been accomplished by those contemporaries of his who had become businessmen and lawyers. Whatever they had achieved, it had been rather dull and prosaic, but the path leading to Hoskins' death was not dull, whatever else it may have been.

There are only a few people who think of their own deaths,not in a negative way, but as an opportunity. In fact, the last and best chance to do some of the things they have always wanted to do. The one time when there is nothing to be lost and everything can be risked. Under those circumstances more con be accomplished than at any other time, and the possibility of wasting such an opportunity while dying passively in a hospital appears to such a person to be a piece of criminal negligence.

 In the end, Hoskins took on a TV station. He had joked about doing such a thing many years previously with a number of different people. On at least one occasion he had asked about [p.91] the security arrangements. On another he had remarked that since this particular station was built almost as a fortress, it was a good objective for a solitary urban guerilla. While it might be hard to take, once taken, it would be easy to defend. We thus know that the raid on that station was at least under active consideration for a long time. Then, since his views on going to prison were quite clear, we also know that it was a death plan in which he would die, not only by gunshot, but defending the piece of the media he had captured.

Artists have a great need for an audience since art is, by its very nature, communicative. Bohemian artists come dangerously close to denying this need when they narrow their audience virtually to their circle of friends. In whatever way they may try to persuade themselves, the fact remains that most sooner or later become convinced that they have something to say that deserves a larger audience. If we conceive Hoskins' raid on the station as an art happening, growing out of a long series of lesser happenings, it can also be viewed as an attempt to reach just that larger audience. Unlike most terrorist events, there was little or no attempt to make the station takeover seem anything other than a personal expression, and Hoskins' main demand was only that he be allowed to make his "announcement." He then put on a show that affected people in an unusual and striking way. This was partly because of the social and political content of the message, partly because he was obviously sacrificing himself for something he perceived to be more important, and partly because, of the novelty of his action. While it will here be argued that the act was really not a political one, the impression created was still correct in some respects.

Hoskin' final happeing was indeed part of something larger, and was the culmination of a series of anonymous "art statements" he had been making around the city. These, in turn, were extensions of other, lesser, happenings, and of many art projects stretching back over twenty years. What remains is to examine the events of that last night in more detail, and to treat it as one would any other work of art: by tracing it to its antecedents and trying to see why it took one particular form rather than another. 

 


Chapter 8
[p.93]

A Night in October

It is known that, on the night of October 14-15, 1980, Hoskins killed Melanie with multiple gunshots, and then, in the early hours of the 15th, went to TV station WCPO. He there held up two newspeople who were returning from a story and gained access to the building. He then disarmed the security man, handcuffed him, and held some dozen people temporarily hostage with an automatic rifle. He had brought a considerable collection of guns and ammunition with him, and he said that he intended to shoot it out with the police.

Upon entering the station, he said that he had an announcement to make, but instead agreed to videotape an interview. In this interview with Elaine Green, one of the reporters he had intercepted outside the station, he rapidly regained his calm and talked in his usual easy way. He complained about the conditions of the poor generally, about the way in which the rich set them against one another, and of the human suffering he daily witnessed from the bay window of his apartment. Green remarked on the possibility of doing a TV story from that window. Hoskins laughed and said that he didn't expect to be there to do it, but that she could. When she inquired why, instead of coming with a gun, he had not called and asked them to do a report on his neighborhood, he smiled and replied,

"You wouldn't have come."

With this he made a slight gesture with his gun, and the point was clear enough. If you are not influential, you need a gun to get your message across on TV. Indeed, in the first part of the interview he seemed to be particularly angry at the TV stations for not giving the poor the publicity which might eventually lead to some improvement in their situation. He had apparently chosen to take over a TV station for that very reason.

The interview created a sensation when it was shown in its entirety on local TV, with segments making the national news that evening. The idea of Walter Cronkite talking about Hoskins may have seemed bizarre, but it was, after all, natural enough in the circumstances. Hoskins may even have expected it.

The first part of the interview was filled with irony. When a photographer opened the door and started to come in, Hoskins welcomed him, as if to a social gathering, then pointed the gun [p.94] at him and directed him to an empty chair. "Park it over there." In talking of prisoners in the city jail and elsewhere he pointed out the hypocrisy of the official doctrine that they were being rehabilitated.
"You can't rehabilitate those people. They were never habilitated in the first place."
Then, finally, he referred to a controversy in which the police department had asked for more powerful pistols. Remarking,
"They've got their Magnums now",
he looked at his own weapon and finished,
"and I've got my Magnum."
This was said in exactly the tone of voice he had once used in telling me that he had just got a racquet-ball racquet. He was, in those words, challenging the police to a shoot-out as if it were merely a game. Then came the second part of the interview.

Elaine Green asked him if he had anything else to say, and he did.
"I blew away my girl friend."
Before anything else happened there was a long pause. Then, when the interview started again, there was a different relationship between Hoskins and Green. She later said that, in the first stages, she was primarily concerned with the fact that Hoskins was an obviously dangerous man who might, at any moment, kill everyone present. As such, she had negotiated with him, not giving in on every point, but trying to conciliate and  calm him. It probably mattered that she was a woman. In the first place, it was second nature for Hoskins to try to get what he wanted from women by charming them rather than overpowering them. Even in these circumstances, having to deal with a woman rather than a man must have brought out the less violent part of his nature. Second, there are many men who would have been humiliated by being reduced to powerlessness and being captured in their own home base. Even if such a man had had too much sense to actually say anything provocative, the anger would have been evident to someone as sensitive as Hoskins. Green, whatever she may have felt, treated Hoskins, not as an unwanted intruder, but as a person with whom an understanding would have to be reached. [p.95]

Many quite reasonable people might have inwardly reacted to Hoskins' revelation of having killed Melanie with the attitude, "If you have done something as bad as that, you might as well kill yourself and get it over with."

Indeed, if someone had said that to Hoskins, he might have agreed.

Elaine Green took an entirely different tack. Her attitude seemed to be that someone who had done something that terrible must be in the direst emotional straits, and must therefore need help. From that point on, it was fairly clear that she was, not only trying to keep him from killing anyone else,but also attempting to steer him away from some form of suicide. When Hoskins realized this, he first seemed amused.

This was, in fact, not the first time that Green had surprised Hoskins with a reaction he had not expected. During their earlier negotiations, even before entering the studio, she had evidently been forceful enough to cause him to remark,
"You've got balls, lady."
Surely conscious of the irony of saying that to a woman, he was probably also somewhat pleased to encounter someone who was showing enough presence of mind to make the game interesting. And now, when he expected to find only people who would wish him dead as quickly and neatly as possible, this same person wanted to help him out of what was designed to be a dead end situation. Of course, he really did not want to be diverted away from his shoot-out with the police into the only alternative she could have had in mind, confinement in some psychiatric institution. When he realized that she was serious, and he had difficulty in making her understand that there was no way in which she could help, he became extremely forceful.
"You don't understand. I've killed my girl friend. I have to pay for that."
After the interview ended, Hoskins withdrew into himself and acted almost as if the others were not there. This prompted Green to ask what he intended to do next, and, sensing indicision, whether they could leave the building. Hoskins agreed, stipulating that they move some furniture around in
such a way as to facilitate his defense of his position.

Finally, during a telephone conversation with the police, in which he must have realized that they would starve him out instead of rushing him, he shot himself.

[p.96]
There is no great mystery about Hoskins' actions once he took over the station. He clearly preferred death to prison, and, quite apart from that, his grief over Melanie's death, and his part in it, may have been so great that he did not want to live. After the police made no move to attack his position, he could have gone outside to engage them, but saw little point in it. He had remarked that that would be too easy, the implication being that the contest would be too uneven to be interesting. Then, too, he must have feared the possibility that he would only be severely wounded in such a battle, and eventually be taken alive. The only way to make sure the job was done properly was to do it himself.

The events leading to his shooting Melanie and raiding the station are an entirely different matter. We do know that he had talked about taking a TV station a good many years previously, and that he had asked questions about this particular one. Then, too, the ease with which he carried out his operation suggests that this particular project had been carefully thought out in a detailed way. Neither it nor its execution were the work of someone merely "reacting to a weird drug", and the autopsy was hardly required to inform us that no such drugs were present .

We also know that Hoskins planned to put such a plan into operation within a matter of, say, weeks or months. It had not been very long since he wrote in his diary that, for the first time in his life, he no longer felt that he was getting stronger, and that "preparation was maximum." On the other hand, there is reason to think that, as recently as some thirty hours before he died, Hoskins did not plan to take the station the next night. called that evening (Tuesday) to arrange our wrestling, and suggested Thursday morning at the Williams Y, but he pointed out that the children of the women in the exercise class would be in the wrestling room on that morning and we agreed on Friday instead. If he had planned to be dead by Thursday, he probably would not have worried himself about such details. Moreover, both he and Melanie sounded as cheerful as usual, and there was absolutely no hint that anything was in the air.

On one possible account, Hoskins and Melanie got into a bitter argument over something entirely unrelated to taking over the TV station. The dispute led to his killing Melanie, and Hoskins then decided to finish out his life according to a previously established plan. There was nothing to lose in so doing, and some sense might be rescued from a senseless act.

There are several things against this account. For one thing, Hoskins would not have needed a gun to kill Melanie. Strong as she was, her T'ai Ch'i ability would not have been of much use against hard blows delivered in the style of either karate or [p.97] K'ung Fu. Once knocked down or out, Hoskins could easily and fairly painlessly have killed her with one of the choke holds we had often practiced. If he were sufficiently angry to want to kill her, there is no reason to think he would have bothered to go for a gun. When a normally calm person loses control alto- gether, there are not likely to be any unnecessary delays. Since he shot her with a gun, it is likely that he already had the gun when the argument started.

Of course, Hoskins and Melanie had their conflicts. There was that recurring issue of her straightening up his apartment, but he could keep her out whenever he wanted, and he had partly resolved that issue by breaking her key to his apartment. More serious, there was the time when an old woman friend of Hoskins had spent a weekend in his apartment. Still, upset though she was, Melanie's reaction had been to withdraw from him and immerse herself in other activities. It is hard to imagine how anything of that sort could have precipitated the woman battering so typical of the district, much less killing. As will be seen later, Hoskins did have moods in which he wanted to leave Melanie, but felt that he was morally committed to her. He had been in that sort of situation before, but the upshot had been, not violence against the woman, but violence turned against himself. At least one suicide attempt occurred in such circumstances, and there is no reason to think that it would have been any different this time.

Let us instead weave the known facts together in a different way. The result is only a story, but, in the circumstances, we can expect no more.

Hoskins began by staying up past his usual bed time of ten o'clock. Then, being a bit overtired, he went into one of his ordinary rages, very likely when he could not find something he was looking for. This would have led to violence against furniture.

It is necessary here to consider briefly the art of furniture smashing. It is not just a reflex, but, as Hoskins often pointed out, a creative activity. First comes the feeling of frustrated passivity. One cannot find t h e Phillips screwdriver. One tries with an ordinary one, but succeeds only in gouging the screw one is trying to remove. One looks again with no success. One next tries with a knife. The tip of the blade breaks. As one's fury mounts, it seems that the invention of Phillips screws was a particularly malicious plot meant to confuse the honest workman and sell more screwdrivers. Probably just one more instance of the evil intent of the military-industrial complex. And there is not a god-damned thing one can do about it. One is a helpless victim in the grip of a hostile environment. Then a ray of bright light breaks through. One can too do something. [p.98] One can lift that m______ f_______r of a bureau over one's head and, with a mighty effort, smash it to smithereens. There is, in fact, a characteristic and wonderfully sickening sound of  plywood panels tearing apart and legs cracking off.

At such times the smashing of furniture seems to constitute a remarkably rational and clear-headed solution t o a nagging problem. One has been condemned to an infuriating passivity but, in the space of a second o r two, one can regain the initiative. Then, after the act, one looks down at the splinters and feels that one has accomplished something. It matter not if those remains once constituted a favorite possession.

Probably, that night, the final stimulus was something that would seem quite small if we knew about it, but it must have occurred in critical circumstances. The gods of violence could generally be propitiated by the final demise of some object which had made its way through the flea market, or perhaps only by a karate kick at the wall. But there may come a time when a man wonders whether he has really solved the problem of passivity in the face of adversity by such means. Hoskins just have reached such a point on that night. It must have seemed to him that all such stop-gap solutions were insignificant in comparison to the one final self-destructive solution which would put all problems, great and small, to rest forever.

Whatever it was that caused Hoskins to decide that this was the night for the TV station, the great rush of enthusiasm that must have accompanied that decision would, like his less harmful passions, have been difficult to contain once it started to be translated into action. By the time he got himself armed and ready to go, Melanie would have realized what he was going to do, and would have been willing to attempt just about anything to prevent him from leaving.

It is actually much easier to kill than to shake off someone as formidable as Melanie. Even though she probably could not have kept Hoskins from making his way downstairs, she could have caused a commotion which would have waked the neighborhood. He certainly could not have carried out his plan under those circumstances. It is possible that he killed her when it became obvious that she was going to block his plan, and perhaps even call the police.

Contrary to this, it would ne nice to believe that a gun went off accidentially in a struggle, but Melanie's multiple wounds hardly allow for that. The most likely story is that there was a conflict of wills so strong that there arose a situation in which it became possible for Hoskins to do something he would not have dreamed of in any other circumstances.

In these situations it generally takes two people, alternately being made angry and causing anger, to produce the violent [p.99] result in which the stronger or more heavily armed one wins. In marital or quasi-marital cases these disputes seldom arise out of context with the past, and are generally continuations of old arguments which have become increasingly bitter. Hoskins and Melanie might well have discussed his plan before. She was too sensible for anything like that, and must have attempted to dissuade him. But, she may also have thought that it was a necessary fantasy for him, and that he would never actually carry it out. This was the reaction many of his friends might have had if they had heard of the plan. Hoskins was full of ideas, but a lot of them were never realized, and, anyhow, he had never done anything truly crazy. Whatever she thought, Melanie may have said some conciliatory things in order to end what must have seemed to her to be unnecessary arguments. Hoskins may thus have had the impression that, when the time came, Melanie would let him go, or even go with him. Still, when she saw that Hoskins was armed and ready to take on the station, she could have gone into a panic entirely uncharacteristic of her usual cool self-possession.

Suppose now that Hoskins had indeed come to the end of his tether and that he had decided to take the station and conduct his final shoot-out. A man at that stage would positively count on someone who understood. Someone who tried to stop him would only make a difficult thing that much more difficult. At a later stage, when Elaine Green showed signs of trying to talk him out of death, Hoskins made it clear that he would brook no opposition, and that he was prepared to do whatever he considered necessary. This attempt to stop him occurred when it was much too late, and it involved a stranger who could not be expected to understand.

By contrast, people are most sensitive when someone close to them objects and threatens their resolve. Such a resolve, even if it occurs in a seemingly impulsive way, may really have taken years to build up. It begins as a mere fantasy, perhaps with wildly unrealistic elements which incorporate half-forgotten dreams. Then it hits the person that someone might actually be able to pull off something similar. "Just for fun", one starts to think how it might be done. It becomes a mental habit to return to the idea now and then over the course of months and years, and to work out additional details. Somewhere in the middle of this it comes to be implicitly assumed that the person who will carry out the plan is none other than oneself. The next stage is to begin making actual preparations outside of one's own mind. These are at first undertaken in the spirit of, "Of course, I may not want to do it, but it doesn't hurt to be prepared." Someone like Hoskins may even think of these preparations as being the steps a rather sane and prudent man would take in case it [p.100] became "necessary" to undertake a radical course of action. Something rather like buying insurance or having one's roof reshingled. But, be that a s it may, if the preparations are continued long enough, they gain their own momentum.

One will at some point ask oneself whether, after all, there is any point in continuing if one is not going to carry out the plan. By this time, one has gotten so involved in these activities that one does not want to give them up or admit that one has wasted all that time. Not only that, one would have to admit to oneself that one stopped because one was afraid.

If one has any sense at all, one is afriad, and it takes a lot of determination to overcome that fear. Of all the steps that occur in this process, the most difficult and sensitive is the first one that is seen as irreversible. In the present case, this would probably have been Hoskins' act of arming himself with Melanie as a witness. Having done that, there was probably no stopping afterwards.

Once past the critical point, it is much easier to keep going, and the sensitivity of the agent to objections declines as i h e gains confidence. However, at the critical moment, even a quite stable person may react to opposition in strange ways.

Melanie, well as she knew Hoskins, could hardly be expected to sympathize. It must have seemed much more important to save Hoskins' life than to allow him a weird, literally self-destructive, freedom of expression. It is unlikely that anything she could have said would have stopped him at that point, but they may have had a verbal interchange which intensified both their feelings. When words failed, as they must have, a person as physical as Melanie would certainly not have stood idly by. And, when someone as strong as she decides, in a desperate mood, to disarm a man like Hoskins, the result can hardly fail to be violent.

There is, of course, no way of knowing how close this story comes to the mark. But we can still ask why Hoskins originally decided to end his life with an attack on a TV station, and how that plan fitted into a certain larger conception. It will help to first consult a few surviving friends, but, ultimately, whatever answer there is must lie in a further examination of Hoskins' art. 
    


Chapter 9
[p.101]

The Views of some Friends

Having distributed an earlier draft of the present work to some friends of Hoskins for comments, I went first to Big Ray, whom Hoskins had considered his closest friend. While Ray had not met Hoskins until about 1968, he did have personal experience of the area around 12th and vine in the fifties, and of the  street gangs who
roamed it.
"They were rough mean nasty sons of bitches. They would attack old ladies, other gangs, anyone who was around at the wrong time. If they got you down, they would stomp on your head, anything they could think of. When I knew Jim later they were still around and, somehow or other, they all respected him. I don't know what he did to get that respect, I don't think he had ever really been a gang member himself, but it must have been something. The leader of the worst gang was _______. Don't print his name or he's likely to find you and kill you if he's still alive. There was one rumor that he was killed in Cleveland, but others that it was someone else. Anyway, it happened that he had some artistic ability and Jim had such an influence over him that he got him to come to an art school we were going to at the time."
Hoskins and Ray met in Mt. Adams, the Cincinnati bohemian community at the time, when the latter was running the first head shop in the city there. As one might have expected with Ray, it was not limited to drug paraphernalia, and contained all manner of curiosities. Among other things, he sold hundred pound aerial bombs from which the explosive had been removed. Hoskins dropped in one day to ask Ray to handle The Naoj, the little poetry magazine of which he was the founder and editor. It was in this way that their long friendship began, and, shortly after that, they took apartments in the same building downtown.

At this time Hoskins was turning out work rapidly, and in a constantly changing way. One day he would read a book, get an idea, and produce something. Then, after having recommended it to his friends, he would, three days later, have an entirely different idea. The first would now be forgotten and dismissed, and he would be at work realizing the new one. Having read Machiavelli's Prince and Hitler's Mein Kampf, he did a portrait [p.102] of Hitler, not because he had any particular sympathy for him, but because he was interested in exploring as many different sorts of people as possible.

"He did this, not just with books, but with living people. He picked people who made him stretch in different ways, and, in turn, he stretched them a whole lot. When you were with him you could sometimes tell that he was gauging just how far you could go. He never tried to push you beyond that point, and you might not see him for a while if he waspushing in some direction he didn't think you could go. Then he'd be back and things would be real relaxed for a while. But, every once in a while, he would check to see if you had changed and could do something new."

The Naoj was a typical "little magazine" with the editor and his friends doing much of the writing. The January 1968 issue has on its cover a somewhat hermaphroditic bearded figure, swarmed over by tiny curly-headed children. On his left arm there is a tatoo of an anchor, while the protruding nipples are marked "sweet" and "sour." Then, on the leg, there is a heart with an arrow through it , pointing to the groin, under which appears the word "love." The staff must have had fun thinking up such things, and the magazine was advertized in a similarly untrammelled way. This is what led to a number of street happenings, most of which were intended to attract publicity for one or another of Hoskins' many projects. Included among these was an event where Hoskins and another artist took turns lying on the sidewalk and drawing around each other with chalk. The whole chain of drawings led to Ray's new downtown store, and thus gave the person who followed it a foretaste of what he would find at the end.

Despite a lack of money, Hoskins and Ray gave many parties on Court St. The wine was highly adulterated, and, not being able to buy food, they kept a supply of potato chip crumbs and dirty paper plates which they spread around. New arrivals were then told that they had come too late for the food. When Hoskins saw someone he did not like coming up the stairs, the people present would all start saying "raisins" simultaneously, giving the impression of a much larger number of people. Then, when the visitor knocked, Hoskins would open the door a crack, straining as if holding it against the pressure of a crowd. The would-be guest would go away thinking that the party was so packed that not a single extra person could be fitted in. There were generally present at these parties artists, poets, and writers of all kinds, in addition to the people who worked at the [p.103] downtown library. As later on, almost any sort of person was welcome, provided only that they were not dull. Some of these people were close t o being psychotic, and a good deal of craziness was tolerated. Hoskins drew the line only when oneman arrived with a body guard and began threatening people. He and his body guard were soon ejected, a fairly rare occurrence once people were already in.

There was also a steady stream of women friends, and Hoskins sometimes had different ones morning, afternoon, and evening. While there was, as with so many other men at the time, a tendency to count and keep score, Hoskins apparently became sufficiently bored with mere repitition to introduce fantasies into these relationships, even the transitory ones.
"Once he had a biker girl who dressed in a leather jacket and chains. Jim told her he was a warlock and used lipstick to draw a pentagon with symbols on the sheet where she was to lie down. Then he sprinkled birdseed on her and began chanting incantations from the kama sutra. Whenever she came around after that, he'd reach for the birdseed and start chanting. Then he did other things with other girls, but it turned out more and more that he wanted to experience as many different things as he could with them, and he'd go from one to another if he thought he could learn something new."
As I talked with Ray in the antique shop he had opened next to his gallery, people drifted in and wandered about. One woman wanted some old Jehovah's Witnesses publications while a young man was interested in a vicious looking old leather blackjack which could be used to crush a knee to suet. Another person wondered about the giant sized figure of a knight in armor in front of the store while yet another spoke about the poster he had seen in front of the gallery. It was captioned, "Expose yourself to Art", and showed someone who looked suspiciously like Hoskins from the rear, facing a statue and flinging open his raincoat.

Like Hoskins, Ray was perfectly comfortable in a chaos of art of all kinds, objects of every conceivable origin, and the kaleidoscope of people drawn to such things. The only certainty was that of an uncertain future, but, where Ray imposed a minimum amount of order and stability on his surroundings, Hoskins had, in the early days at least, acted as if the changes could not come fast enough to satisfy him. New ideas from books and new women were only the beginning. There was seldom a month when he did not take up a new artistic technique or medium, and these included some of his own invention. [p.104] At the time of our talk Ray was attempting to get together as much of Hoskins' work as possible for a show. This was a formidable task since Hoskins had left no records of work sold, had given a lot away, and had destroyed many of his products. Even so, Ray had collected enough so that friends who thought they knew Hoskins' work were surprised to see art, and even kinds of art, that they had never seen before.

In addition to the art, Ray had some other concerns. One was that Hoskins' commitment to Melanie was not as simple or solid as it had seemed. At bottom, it was as unnatural for Hoskins to stay with one woman as it was for him to stay with one art form. He thought he had learned what he could from Melanie, and was ready to move on. In particular, he wanted to try some  new sorts of women, the wealthy ones who lived in the suburbs surrounding Milford. He seems to have had no desire to change his own style of life or to accept money from the women he surely would have found if he had left Melanie. Rather, the idea was that this was one of the few things he had not experienced. While he suspected strongly that the rich had nothing of value to offer, he wanted to find out for sure.

The only problem was that he could not leave Melanie the way he had left the others. He had taken her straight out of a convent, and she had been with him ever since. She obviously wanted to continue indefinitely, and, after much agonizing, he decided to stay with her. This was the true meaning of his deciding not to move to Milford. Melanie had known about the possibility of the move, but had assumed that she would be sharing the new house with Hoskins. Thus, when he renewed his commitment to her, she was entirely unaware of it. It was also a commitment to Washington Park, since, apart from leaving Melanie for other women, he had no desire to leave.

On learning this, another woman who had known Hoskins and Melanie commented, unkindly, "So, instead of leaving her, he decided he'd stay right there and kill her. How nice. I love the way men decide that women are better off dead than left without them."

This, o f course, is not fair, and was probably not intended literally. Hoskins surely did not plan to kill Melanie, nor is it likely that he thought she would fall apart if he left her. It was obvious to their friends that she had more than enough strength of character to manage on her own, and, indeed, that she would not be alone very long unless she wanted to be. He was not the sort of man to have illusions on that score.

By this time, a downpour had started outside, and, as I helped Ray to get his sidewalk display inside, he brought up something [p.105] which puzzled him. In the course of my writing and our discussion, many things about Hoskins had turned up which would strike most people in an adverse way. This not only bothered Ray, but raised a problem.
"I know there was that negative side and all that stuff about death. Anyone who spends his time making silencers and bombs would have to have it. But, if that were all, how come everyone liked him so much? Most of his friends weren't ordinary people either. Some were just as strong in their own right, but, if all the stuff in the newspapers were true, they wouldn't have respected him the way they did. Not one of them had anything against him when he died."
Not knowing how to answer, I left with the feeling that there was still much to be explained.

With Steve the atmosphere was different. He had years ago been lucky enough to find a beautiful spacious apartment at an unrealistically low rent. Now, it was about to be made into a condominium, but he was enjoying that last bit of luxury while he still could.

Although we had worked out since Hoskins' death, I was struck for the first time by the resemblance between the two. It was not that they actually looked so much alike, but there was the same feel, the same kind of welcome when one came through the door. It sounds easy. Everyone should be glad to see their friends, and should show it. But few do. So many people have so many concerns which inhibit any encounter with another person.

"Does he or she need anything from me?"

"Is there any reason to be angry?"

"Will we get along well this time?"

"Should I reveal certain things that are bothering me?"

"Am I likely to get the advice I want to hear?"

The person who has any or all of the above concerns may smile and even joke. But his or her affability will be limited by a peculiar look in the eye, a little twist to the mouth, or a tense and crabbed set to the shoulders. We are so used to being approached in this way that it no longer bothers us on the conscious level. But, whether we realize it or not, the absence  of those constrictions causes us to have an immediate and [p.106] profound sense of relief. A genuine greeting is comparable to the way in which a good golfer approaches his golf ball. With a straight stance, and without any peculiar wiggles or waggles. And then the swing proceeds smoothly without any hitches or catches. It again sounds easy. But, again, it isn't. This, then, was part of the answer to Ray's question, but Steve had a related one of his own.
"In a way I was overwhelmed by reading about all these things and my own part in them. And, seeing it all in black and white, I began to apply my training as a psychologist. Taking your account in that light, you would have to say that Jim was severely depressed. However, but that isn't true to my memories at all."
Steve, like Ray, wanted the other side of Hoskins brought out more. The happy side, the one that applied his considerable creative imagination to making life more fun.

I suggested enlarging on such material as Hoskins' night escapades in the department store. Steve disagreed.
"I'm afraid that wouldn't work. We thought those things were funny, but people reading now, with his hit list in their minds, would just be confirmed in their opinion that he was a sicko. It would look as if he had no sense of guilt about tearing up all those coats, and I know from my practice that that's a bad sign."
It was a conundrum. We both knew that a lot of things Hoskins did were harmless, and that they were often great fun. But the more we told other people about them, the more sinister they would look. Then Steve smiled wryly and recalled something I must have repressed.
"Do you remember some of the things that he wanted to do that we ignored or just brushed off? Can you imagine how we would feel now if we had gone along with some of those seemingly harmless little exercises?"
I told Steve of Ray's theory that Hoskins tested his friends to see how far they would go. Steve replied,
"He must have found us pretty limited in that direction."
Unfortunately, these additional facts seemed to confirm the idea that, the more one said, the worse one made it look. Nevertheless, almost everyone who knew Hoskins is ready to [p.107] swear that this impression is a misleading one and that, no matter what facts turn up, he was not a dark disturbed figure preoccupied with death. Anyhow, not 99 per cent of the time. Even among people who did not know Hoskins, but who saw the television interview, the favorite account is that he was a nice, decent man who suddenly went crazy, and then regained his sanity just before he died.

Some philosophical qualification is required here. It really does not explain much to say that someone did something because he was temporarily or permanently insane, still less to say that his "craziness" was what made him do it. To say that someone is crazy is to assess rather than to explain his behavior. Such an assessment is often useful. It implies, for example, that many of a person's actions may be difficult to predict, that communication may break down at times, and that it may be a mistake to become that person's employer. But, whatever the practical value of such information, the attribution of craziness in itself does nothing to explain why the agent engaged in one erratic action rather than another, or why he ever began to act erratically. When the general public said that Hoskins went crazy, the legitimate implication is probably only that his killing of Melanie seemed grossly out of character with  what was known of his life.

Hoskins' friends sometimes talked that way too, but meant much more. For them, what it came down to was that he almost never seemed morbid or self-destructive, and that he must have changed in some radical, and probably temporary, way in order to have killed Melanie. What remains true is that they spent all that time with him without feeling that they had to worry about anything. True, there were a very few incidents of the other kind, but they were so infrequent that even a fairly reasonable person was justified in dismissing them. Particularly in view of the fact that most of us knew many other people who wanted to do things that seemed much crazier.

One of the calmest people in Hoskins' circle of acquaintances was Henry. He had known Hoskins longer than any of us, but there was a profound difference in temperament between them. Where Hoskins wanted to put ideas into practice with maximum enthusiasm right away, Henry had file cabinets where he stored ideas. He was always working on some literary or pedagogical project, and the others, never forgotten, would eventually have their turn.

Hoskins had once told me that Henry had no sense of humor, which was puzzling since half of what Henry said had a gentle irony or whimsy to it. When I mentioned to Hoskins some of the things Henry had said and done, he laughed outright and said he must have been wrong. But, really, it was something deeper. [p.108] Henry reflected on things at length, and, turning them over in his writer's mind, was likely, months later, to describe the most mundane events in unexpected ways. Thus, even a routine action might emerge in an existentialist light as a bizarre and basically ridiculous response to a problem which, when fully revealed, no one could take seriously. Hoskins, who was much more an actor than a writer, wanted to do something to create a humorous or ridiculous situation, and was not content to wait for things to happen.

When Hoskins discovered that Henry had bought a house on Washington Park, he was puzzled, along with the other residents. Henry had converted the basement into an office from which he published a small philosophical journal. Some of the neighborhood leaders suspected him of trying to gentrify the area, and could scarcely believe the truth: that, despite the present lack of takers, he was patiently waiting for the day when other small businesses who were casual about their addresses would take offices in the considerable remaining space in the former house of prostitution. Hoskins was fascinated by the house itself, the garish red paint on the interior walls, and the numbers on all the doors. As a former editor, he was also in sympathy with Henry's operation in the basement.

No matter how tenous the finances of the journal, Henry, like an Englishman wearing his dinner jacket in the jungle, came every day with a jacket and tie, and sat at his desk in front of the rather elaborate communication system he had rented from the telephone company. The desk itself, with curved chrome and a rubberized top, was one of a set of two, refugees from the glamourous thirties, which he had picked up second hand. At the other desk was Myrtle, his former cleaning lady, whom he had converted into his secretary. A large good-natured woman, she learned her work quickly and pleased Henry immensely by bringing in a goldfish bowl complete with goldfish. Considering the circulation of the journal, the office layout and atmosphere was the mercantile analogue of children playing house, a fact that was not lost on Henry. The best part of the joke was that the journal ultimately succeeded, at which point it had to be moved from Washington Park.

When Hoskins was alive and Henry was asked about him, he would respond in a cordial way with as much quiet enthusiasm as he displayed on most subjects. If the questioner did not already know, Henry would explain that Hoskins was an artist resident in Cincinnati for a long time, and that he had been involved in putting out several little literary journals. If asked further, Henry might volunteer that he and another friend had once bought some of Hoskins work. It had been at a timen chern. Hoskins was trying fordin more it a rue, and was uncharacteristically [p.109] pushing his work, but it was also clear that the purchase had had no element of charity. On the contrary, Henry knew art and considered Hoskins' work worth buying.

Perhaps more than anyone else, Henry saw Hoskins as a respectable citizen of a solid and upstanding sort. That is, a member in good standing of the Cincinnati art community. As a poet and playwright who had supported himself on his writing for a good many years, he thought of Hoskins simply as another member of the same loosely knit group who happened to work mainly with different materials.

Henry did distinguish, within this group, between those who were too unreliable to cooperate with in joint undertakings and those who could be relied on to do what they had agreed to do. On this criterion, the only one Henry really cared about, Hoskins clearly passed. He had not wanted to be art editor of Henry's magazine because he did not want to judge the work of other people. But he had said so, and he did help with the printing in order to learn how the press worked. As far as Henry was concerned, he was sane, in contrast to all those people with romantic illusions who promise to do things they cannot hope to actually bring off.

As it turned out, nothing deterred Henry from that opinion of Hoskins. He had worked long on one of his computer projects on October I5th, and did not get the news until late that night when I told him. Upon hearing it, he showed not the slightest surprise and asked only a few perfunctory questions. It was as if he had been told that Hoskins had taken up watercolors instead of oils, but felt that it was too early to guess what the final value of the product might be.

 [p.110] BLANK



Chapter 10
[p.111]

The Development of Hoskins' Art

There were three main artistic and literary influences on Hoskins: German Dadaism, the beatnik movement, and the writings of Norman Spinrad. Let us begin with the first and oldest, though not necessarily the first to have its effect on him.

The movement known as "Dada", though founded in Zurich in 1917, still has the excitement of the forbidden for aspiring artists. It has resisted attempts to define it, but it has been reputed to be anarchistic, nihilistic, and, perhaps, even evil in a mysterious way. That alone would be enough to recommend it to the young artists of almost any period.

The young European artists who were sitting out World War I in Switzerland were probably bohemians to begin with. However, the implied charge of cowardice was not easy to dismiss, even for people who were convinced that the war was unnecessary and stupid. There was still the question of whether they were in Zurich because of their pacifism, or whether a fear of fighting and dying had preceded the pacifism. In this atmosphere the group grew closer and became more intense than it would have otherwise, and poured a tremendous amount of energy both into the revolution in art which was underway and into the further development of a bohemian lifestyle.

This time there was no direct connection, via Munich or elsewhere, between the artists in the Cafe Voltaire and those in the cafes and bars of Cincinnati. Still, they had a common heritage, and there were, at the same time, in Cincinnati some of those "disreputable" artists for whom dadaism later had such appeal. Then, when dadaism spawned such movements as surrealism, it was natural for artists everywhere to take notice. Another of the offshoots of dadaism was the Happening, an art form which had particular vogue in Cincinnati, and which briefly drew together all sorts of counter-culturalists. In the early sixties there was a large scale happening involving roller skating in the  Union Terminal, a tour of the never-used subway, and a demolition derby of fantasically sculptured automobiles in the disused reservoir in Eden Park. Somewhat later, a German gentleman appeared on the stage of Wilson Auditorium of the University of Cincinnati, and was permitted to slaughter a pig in full view of the audience. He then cut it open, threw the bloody innards into the crowd, urging people to toss them back [p.112] and forth.

In one way it is little short of amazing that anything so purely dadaist should have been permitted in a city as conservative as Cincinnati. On the other hand, the more conservative the dominant culture, the less restrained the counter-culture will be. The latter is fully capable of bringing off such events before the elders of the city have quite realized what has happened.

Whether or not Hoskins was physically present for the public execution of the pig, no one could have been there more enthusiastically in spirit. Moreover, he had a sustained interest in the history of dadaism which went well beyond these picturesque offshoots of it. In particular, while French dadaism  has claimed much of the attention, it was in German dadaism, and the closely related German expressionism, that his particular interest lay. Although much of dadaist activity was not of the sort that could not easily be recorded at a time when movie cameras and electronic gadgets were not widely available, there exists an excellent study of German dadaism by Rex W. Last. Since this is the primary book on the subject in the Cincinnati Public Library, where Hoskins spent so much time, it is highly probable that he read it.

It was typical of the dadaists to work in more than one medium, and none worked in more than Kurt Schwitters. While he wrote poetry and fiction, these came to be integrated into what he called "Merzkunst." This consisted in the collection of all kinds of rubbish and junk, some of it printed matter, and the modification and reassembly of it. According to one anecdote, a friend once found Schwitters outside one evening grovelling on the ground looking for something. It turned out that he was looking for a scrap of blue paper to slip into one of his collages. Sometimes the work came out in the form of sculpture, sometimes collages, and sometimes a kind of Merz poetry, which often consisted of the assembly of words found printed on junk. Indeed, the word "merz" itself was found when Schwitters picked up a piece of paper with "Kommerz-und Privatbank" printed on it. Before he ever heard of Schwitters, Hoskins was collecting junk, such as tin cans, flattening them, inking them up, and then running them through an etching press. This transferred the texture of the object onto damp paper in a way that would not otherwise have been possible, and which allowed the junk components to be subordinated in a work of art to a greater extent than can be achieved by simply glueing the components together.

For the dadaists and expressionists, all this proceeded on the assumption that "art was no longer possible." What they meant by that is somewhat obscure since they immediately produced [p.113] work that we have no difficulty in classifying as art. Probably they meant that they intended to produce work which either
would not be recognized by the older generation as art, or would cause their elders to turn away in horror. For example, a typical expressionist work is the statue of a blind beggar by the German sculptor Barlach, now in Harvard's Busch-Reisinger Museum. The beggar's head is twisted upward and backward so that it resembles the head of a bird whose neck has been broken. Underneath there is a deformed and shrivelled body in kneeling position which can hardly support the head. The figure is obviously modelled on someone very near death, but the hollow eyes and sadistic smiling mouth also have a disturbing predatory aspect which makes the viewer realize that the beggar is as evil as he is pitiable.

Another of the expressionists, Georg Grosz, was a fellow student o f Schwitters at the Dresden Academy of Art just before World War I. Grosz has the probable distinction of having more talent than any artist in all history for what might be called "the vicious portrait." His figures are fully recognizable, but go much deeper than mere cartoons. There is often an insect-like or rodent-like character to them, and the implication is that the person depicted, while happening to have come out as a human being, would, in terms of personality, have been more suited to the body of the insect or rodent.

If anything separated the dadaists from the expressionists, it was that, while the former also wanted to shock their audiences, they were willing to do it in a greater variey of ways, generally with a joke of some sort in the background. For example, Schwitters seems to have worked in a spirit quite different from that of Grosz. Instead of having a malicious and deformed outlook on life, he enjoyed himself while collecting his junk, and was certainly only half-serious at times. The anti-art thatehe substituted forart was in many ways an excuse doing exactly what he felt lile doing without having to apologize to anyone. According to Last, communication did not appear to be a primary concern of his, and he often did not make the effort of reaching out to a public audience. This was Hoskins at times, and Schwitters also seems to have had much the same sort of love of fun and games. He once wrapped a dirty old chamber pot in brown paper and carried it around Paris with him. Then, when someone showed interest in the package, he gave it to him and disappeared around a corner.

There was in Schwitters, as in Hoskins, a penchant for black humor, and this is probably what really made him famous. His short prose piece, "Die Zwiebel", begins with the narrator remarking that it was an eventful day on which he was to be butchered. He then goes on to explain happily how fine the [p.114] weather is, that the king is present, and that there are pretty girls waiting to clean up the mess he will make and prepare his innards. The story has many convolutions, and, at the end, time is reversed, and the narrator is unbutchered. It seems that no one had ever before written enthusiastically about his own butchering, and the story had a considerable impact in Germany, and even beyond. Unfortunately, Schwitters seldom seemed able to leave well enough alone. In the present case, he took a good and striking idea and went on to reduce its impact by adding extraneous and irrelevant blind alleys. This tendency was also evident in much of his art work, and produced a feeling of clutter. Of course, that is partly the occupational hazard of any artist who picks up casual objects and tries to unity them into a work of art. Unless he does it extraordinarily we!l, the finished product looks only like a pile of junk all glued together. Much of Hoskins' work is more convincing than that of Schwitters. Even his collages fit together visually, and one never has the feeling of bits and pieces trailing off in all directions. On the other hand, like Schwitters, he had the sort of irrepressible sense of humor that was likely at times to compete with purely aesthetic considerations and produce something that was a better joke than a work of art, even in those many dadaist contexts where a joke is part of the art.

Quite apart from his art, Schwitters seems to have been much the same sort of person as Hoskins. Someone basically happy and outgoing who thought it was fun to fool around with all sorts of perverse things. In fact, in terms of dadaism, Last characterized Schwitters as the childish figure of the movement, who was "unaware of the dangerous forces he was
meddling with."

In addition to these general connections between Schwitters and his ilk on one hand and Hoskins and some of his friends on the other, there are two other German artists of the period who seem to have had a special effect on Hoskins.

Kathe Kollwitz is generally counted as a German expressionist, as opposed to a dadaist, but was really one of a kind. Hoskins often talked of her and made a special point of attending a show a t the Cincinnati Art Museum that included some of her work. Married to a doctor with a slum practice in pre-World War I Berlin, she began by sketching the people who came to consult her husband. Since they were exactly the sort of people who lived near Washington Park, this may have appealed to Hoskins, but that was certainly not the main thing.

Many young women, then and now, like to marry doctors, but most would not be so thrilled to find themselves living in a slum apartment. Particularly when they discovered that their front room had become a waiting room packed tight with the poorest [p.115] and the sickest. Some such women would at least have distanced themselves psychologically from the carnage. Kollwitz seems to have become ever more involved in this suffering. According to her diary, she early became convinced that there is much more pain in the world than pleasure, or anything which might seem to balance or justify it. She then set out simply to record it. The motive seemed to be not so much to prompt social change as to satisfy some inner need of her own. Being a mother herself, she naturally tended to sketch mothers and children, but not in the ordinary way. Most of the children are sick, but a good many are also malnourished to an alarming degree. There are some sketches of newly dead children in the arms of their grief-stricken mothers. These are portrayed without any sentimentality whatever, always in black and white, and with only the simplest techniques. If Georg Grosz was the master of the defamatory portrait, his contemporary, Kathe Kollwitz, was equally the master of the graphic depiction of pain, plain and simple. Moreover, while he used every insinuating color and glaze, she could do it with an old lead pencil and a few lines on a scrap of paper.

After the war broke out in 1914 and her son was killed in one of the opening battles, Kollwitz began depicting the horrors of war. Twenty years later, the Nazis, who had different ideas about war, forbade her to exhibit. Again, she probably was not so much of a political anti-war advocate (there are late pictures of her at the time of WW Il with photographs of relatives in German uniform on her desk as an artist who continued to do what she did best.

While Kollwitz really pre-dated both dadaism and expressionism, her categorization as the latter is appropriate in one respect, the one that probably most appealed to Hoskins. Like some of her compatriots, she produced an initial impact on the audience out of all proportion to that which is usual in art. No matter how much one may admire Rembrandt or Hals, their portraits do not produce the immediate shock that is likely to occur when one first encounters Grosz or Kollwitz. This is not necessarily to say that the latter are as good, that they reward as close a study, or that they will be hung in galleries in three hundred years. Perhaps they are the outgrowth of a time when the audience for art is less attentive and subtle, a time when it has become necessary to give the viewer a good jolt before proceeding to more subtle matters. Hoskins was also used to an environment where little attention was paid to art, and he, too, came to value any art which could make a strong opening statement and get its foot wedged in the door. Despite the fact that he was far removed from the world of mothers and children, he was impressed by any artist who could stop the viewer in his [p.116] tracks the way Kollwitz could. Her work also has the sort of  subtlety that does not disappoint the viewer who stops to look,  but other artists have that. It is not her subtlety that gives  Kollwitz a special place in the history of art.

Hoskins attempted this sort of thing at times, sometimes with a good measure of success. He was not one of those very few who can pick up a pencil and intuitively produce something electrifying in thirty seconds or so. But he did have a clear idea of what he wanted and the technical ability to produce it. There is one aluminum sculpture of the head of a prize-fighter which succeeds in much the way that the work of Kollwitz and Barlach does. The face of a handsome man distorted by a displaced squashed nose and swollen lips, it suggests powerfully that the devastation of the features has accompanied a comparable mental disfigurement. Like Kollwitz' drawings, it is a direct rendering of physical suffering, overpoworing in its apparent simplicity, a simplicity which disappears when one attempts to do the same thing oneself.

The really remarkable thing is that someone who did so little conventional sculpture could have produced something so good. And, then, having done it, would not be sufficiently excited to continue. The statue was dumped in a corner amid the other clutter and given a far lower status than the old air rifles. Worst of all, it was not even pointed out in the Tour of the Apartment. Thus, while any other artist would have based a whole series of work on such a success, not to mention taking it to the galleries, Hoskins forgot about it and went on to other projects.

Part of the reason may have been his system of categories. There was, for example, metal work. This included, not only aluminum statuary, but the aluminum propellor for his air-boat and all sorts of other gadgetry. These were important to him, and his success with the statue may have convinced him that he was in a position to attempt a propellor. This, too, had a kind of beauty, and, while it was totally unlike any of Kollwitz' work, he did regard her depiction of suffering as only one kind of artistic expression among many.

Hoskins followed the usual dadaist pattern of producing, not just paintings, but sculpture, collages, found art of various kinds, and poetry. Like many artists, he seems to have begun with portraits, and his earliest ones are highly realistic with a mastery of detail surprisingly good for a beginner. He then experimented with impressionist techniques and painted a lovely airy side view of an early mistress sitting in a chair. Later on, he produced some abstract works with muted colors and softly outlined shapes. These are in the mainstream of modern American art, and, were widely admired. Despite that, it did [p.117] not take him long to dismiss them with contempt. A good deal of this work survived only by virtue of Melanie's protective custody.

The abstract paintings then gave way to very small and  delicate drawings and collages. This work was almost entirely non-representational, and highly personal. As with much of Schwitters' work, it often seemed not to be particularly communicative, and comprised material from all sorts of sources which had meaning for Hoskins. For all that, it was interesting, if rather mysterious, and did not look out of place in galleries. It was surprising only that such delicate work could be produced by such a large seemingly indelicate man. In the context of what later happened, not to mention those dadaist and expressionist influences, this direction of artistic development is paradoxical. An artist who wishes to achieve impact with a strong opening statement could hardly do worse than to produce work which is progressively smaller, more delicate, and whose meaning is ever more obscure. Like many artists before him, Hoskins evidently became increasingly interested in working out certain internal problems that arose in the course of his work. He then found himself addressing, not the general public, but the much smaller group which understands such things. Thus, even though he continued to the end with this sort of work, it evidently left other needs unsatisfied, needs which required other kinds of art.

There was one kind of work which does not belong either with the collages, the sculptures, nor the abstract paintings, but which h e continued to produce, at least sporadically, over a long period of time. This consists in the making of leather masks. A number of artists have made masks, and a few are on display in the world's great museums. While mask making has been, on the whole, a rather unexploited art form, it is not hard to see why Hoskins was drawn to it. On the most obvious level, he apparently thought of himself as living one sort of life which was masked by another. That was played up by the press, and, if the journalists had known about the masks, they probably would have had something to say there too. However, Hoskins' idea was much more general than that. He was delighted when a friend told him that his psychiatrist had once compared him to a gorilla with a clown's mask. He even promised to make a clown's mask suitable for a gorilla. Hoskins had also read Irving Goffman, who at least flirts with the idea that everyone always figuratively wears a mask, changing masks for different occasions.

Even though masks have been a minority art form, they are connected with something that has much wider currency in the history of art. The mask, by its nature, hides something, and it [p.118] trades, not only on what can be seen, but on what one supposes to be behind it. Many artists have put half-concealed secrets into their work with great effect. The 17th century Dutch landscape painters, particularly Hobbema and Ruisdael, often had a tunnel of foliage through which the viewer looks until he can just make out a detail, perhaps a small figure, which catches the light. That figure, provided it is noticed at all, is more interesting than it would have been in the foreground. Moreover, it becomes a subject for speculation. This phenomenon is to be found persistently, e v e n in the work of much later painters such as Corot. Then, with impressionism, cubism, and other forms of modern art, the tendency was, not to half-hide the subject behind a bush, but to merely suggest it with a few strokes, or with some fragmented or distorted representation. If one masks with a mask, as opposed to one of these other techniques, one makes the person behind the mask, or the person who is imagined behind it, part of a work o f art that changes from one wearer or imagined wearer to another. This fact, while not acceptable to many more traditional artists, who want their work to be self-enclosed and complete, was entirely congenial to Hoskins.

If masking and secrets have been of crucial importance in art, it is only because much of the excitement in human experience can be traced to those elements. Probably the primeval game, far supassing other children's games in importance, is hide-and-seek. Basically it is a life and death game. The seeker seeks in order to kill the one who is hiding. Children know that, but adults gradually convince them that the game is harmless, at which point they lose interest in it. This first secret of one's hiding place then gives rise to many others which one dares the world to uncover.

Hoskins was always offering people new games, often with their own secrets, and he often talked about making masks for his friends to try on. It was not always clear quite what he had in mind. While he did think of masks as artwork, sometimes of an abstract kind, he also admired some of the quasi-human masks used in the film "Star Wars." Then, again, it sometimes sounded as if he was making masks that could actually be worn as disguises.

While there is more than a suggestion of pretending to be somone else in this, there is a large gap between harmless pretences and those which involve a hopelessly divided personality, or which lead to violence. We could get away with much more than we usually do along those lines without getting into trouble. It would do most corporation lawyers a world of good to spend a couple of weekends in Washington Park, pretending to be winos. It might be a problem if the lawyer began to prefer [p.119] Washington Park to his own environment, or got radically confused about his own identity, but, short of that, he would learn more than he could have in most other ways. Hoskins remarked favorably on a friend who had done something like that, and he seems to have done some experimenting of this sort himself. He once recounted a late-night incident in which he had put on an animal mask of a wolf-like sort, pulled his hat down to cover part of it, and taken a turn around Washington Park. He had then sidled up to a couple of winos to ask them for "money for a plate of soup", and had been pleased at their alarmed responses when they caught a glimpse of his face.

Whatever pretenses one makes, if one makes them consciously in order to learn about oneself and others, one is in a position vastly superior to that of persons who cannot help making pretenses. In the latter case one is only a pompous bore, but, in the former, one can have some of the excitement of the player of hide-and-seek who is waiting to see whether he will be found.

Most of the masks Hoskins made have disappeared. What remain are some pieces that he also called masks, but which have no openings, and which are much too small to actually be worn. As with the collages, he seems to have become increasingly concerned with abstract problems which arose in the course of mask making, and to have ended up producing "minimal" masks which have few features. They could be thought of in many ways, for example as shrunken heads with
contracted features, and he may have had some such interpretation in mind. However, as he got further and further from
recognizable human features, he seems to have been attempting to generalize the notion of a mask to the point where even inaminate objects could be thought of as having masks. Once, significantly, in a show of his masks he included an exhibit marked "The Umbrella Unmasked." This consisted of an umbrella hanging from the wall while, next to it, hung its cover.

It is clear that the masks had more to do with the series of happenings that culminated in the raid on WCPO-TV than, say, the collages and the paintings. However abstract they became, they were bound up with his notion of a double life, not to mention a life of mystery. Unfortunately for our purposes, he kept that part of the mystery so well that it is now impossible to reconstruct the connection in any detail.

Much less mysterious in its implications is yet another strain which stands in contrast to the "conceptual" art, and which consists in work that is frankly angry and violent. It is to that strain that the head of the fighter belongs. It not only depicts violence, but, like the work of the expressionists, is itself a violent assault on the feelings of the viewer. In point of time, [p.120] the fighter seems to stand about midway in the sequence of "violent art" that Hoskins produced, a sequence that ended with the station takeover. While beginnings of such things are hard to isolate, his early poetry is full of every sort of violence, much of it sexual. As art it does not seem to represent a particularly important stage in his development. He wrote poetry only for a short time, never wrote a great deal, and, in my hearing, never once mentioned having written it. In fact, he seems to have founded and written for, his poetry magazine as something of an experiment. In the course of it he produced some good lines and powerful images, but whole poems seldom held together very well. Undoubtedly he could have done something with poetry if he had worked at it over the years, but he instead went off in other directions.

Suffice it to say that there are two main ideas that keep occurring in Hoskins' poetry. The first is that politicians are not to be trusted. He continually shows contempt for them in a language which sounds like the political language of the sixties. However, he also dismisses radicals and revolutionaries in much the same, often obscene, terms. He is thus revealed, not as a reformer, but as one who stands completely outside the political process and rejects all parts of it indiscriminately.

The other over-riding theme is that the mass of the people have brought their misery on themselves through their unchecked material vanity and greed. Once one reaches the point of complaining about and rejecting something that the mass of people accept, one ends up in an odd position. Hardly anyone in our society, and certainly not Hoskins, likes being an elitist who claims to be on a higher plane than all those others who are subject to some pervasive weakness or illusion. However, if Hoskins meant literally everything he said in his poetry, he was claiming to be one of the few who were free of greed.

This implied superiority is also implicit in the stance of almost any bohemian artist. He must believe that his work is worth doing, and that it would be valued by people of taste. But he also knows that there is little or no market for it. The masses who do not want his work must therefore lack taste.

In an analogous way, any political or social revolutionary ends up in much the same uncomfortable position. No matter how hard he may want to identify with the working (or sub-working) class, he is likely to conclude that the members of that class are kept in a subservient, or even brutalized, state, in large part by their own attitudes.  ven though Hoskins was not political in any narrow sense, he believed thoroughly that the solution of many problems lay in the voluntary acceptance of poverty. And, of course, there was almost no one in his [p.121] neighborhood who really agreed with that proposition.

While Hoskins had never had much money, it was obvious to anyone that he could have had it if he had wanted it. This put him in an awkward position when he was speaking to people who never had had a chance to be anything but poor. People who did not think poverty was something to be embraced. He was not the sort to stand on the bandstand at Washington Park and tell these people that they were being stupid to attach so much value to what they could not have, but it did make its way into his poetry.

The people who most nearly shared this problem were another set of avowedly apolitical bohemians, the beatniks. One of the best and most vivid pictures of them comes from Lawrence Lipton's book, The Holy Barbarians. Himself a somewhat older poet, he recalls a community of young bohemians in which he lived in Venice, California in the fifties. Most of them were interested in combining poetry with jazz in various ways, and in making that combination the centerpiece of a new way of life. Drugs were also an important part of it, and these ranged from peyote and marijuana to opium and heroin, often in combination with alcohol. Still, the harder drugs were regarded with suspicion, and LSD came only with the hippies, who were a later extension of the beatniks. As with other bohemians, the acceptance of poverty was one of the most important bonds of the community. Lipton quotes beat poet Kenneth Rexroth, who knew other forms of life, as saying that, having adjusted to poverty, he was able to eat better, drink better, and live better than his friends who had a great deal more money.

Lipton had been a bohemian long enough to compare the beatniks to the bohemians of the twenties, when he was a young man. Of the latter, he says that they expropriated what they wanted from the rich. This amounted to their independence, their ability to ignore the conventions and sin with impunity, and their access to the arts. The rest, and particularly the problems connected with the production and ownership of material goods, they were willing to let go. Of course, the young bohemians were happy to take in the lovely young daughters of the rich, and even an occasional unfulfilled but attractive wife, but they were not expected to bring money with them. Like their descendents, the beatniks, they were apolitical and thought that the communists of Russia had made a mistake in taking from the rich what was least valuable, their money and possessions.

Lipton goes on to point out, however, that the young bohemians of the twenties often had expensive, if rather bizarre,tastes which, in the end, tripped them up and destroyed their lifestyle. In this respect the beatniks were more consistent and [p.122] thoroughgoing. If they came into a little money they did not blow it in the best restaurant in town, and they really did not want expensive clothes. Poverty, after all, did not constrain the art that the beatniks wanted to practise. And, whether they were also painters, sculptors, or dancers, they all participated in those nocturnal sessions with pot, jazz, and the reading of poetry. Everyone kept sketchbooks in which they drew each other, wrote their poetry, and engaged in every variety of speculation . Mor e or less free sex went without saying. The ordinary excitement that accompanies it was heightened for the beatniks by the fact that they could, at any moment, be arrested, not only for drug possession, but on such charges as fornication and adultery.

A good deal of this was comparable, not only to the twenties, but to dadaism and even older forms of bohemianism. Certainly, there was nothing new about poetry, poverty, art, and free love. On the other hand, jazz (and the consequent association with black musicians) and drugs did make a difference. These elements produced a community which was tighter, more isolated, and which was regarded with even more hostility than other bohemian communities. There was a lot of real hate on both sides.

Among other things, the beatniks developed a way of talking which, once almost secret, has long since entered the larger language. In reading Lipton it is easy to flinch when one comes upon dialogue such as

"Like, I don't want to bug you man . "

a n d

"Like, that's the scene, man ...."

This is because the only people who talk that way now are either slimeballs on probation for writing bad checks, or are the last tired remnants of youth cults whose only common ground with the beatniks consists in the use of drugs. But that sort of language was once fresh, and it reflected a group of people who
felt, often literally, that they were so trapped in a materialistic and stifling society that life was worthwhile only underground. No extremes of poverty deterred them, and suicide was often the only alternative. Many dadaists had felt much the same way about the utterly conservative life of the French and German middle classes, but they lived in societies which a t least pretended to respect art, music, and literature. The bohemians in Venice West were dealing with a society which not only resisted innovation in art, but which largely rejected the very [p.123] idea of poetry in favor of tail fins.

Hoskins came upon the beatniks as they were flowing into the hippie movement (and harder drugs) in San Francisco. He had, in fact, already done some of the same things in Cincinnati in association with Ray and others. His acceptance of poverty, his notions of free love, and his unconventional art had all predated his stay in San Francisco, though they may have been reinforced there. He had even served his poetical apprenticeship with The Naoj. On the other hand, we have seen that he wrote poetry only for a fairly short time, and it was probably, even then, less important to him than to the beatniks. Hoskins also had relatively little interest in jazz, or in the combination of jazz and poetry that so fascinated Lipton. Thus, he could never have been counted as a beatnik, despite a similar outlook. In the end, there is really only one thing that he learned from them, but that is crucial.

In Cincinnati it is difficult for any person, or any group of persons, to be truly alienated. No matter how different, or even crazy, one's ideology, one will have a whole series of friends and acquaintances who represent many different things. Membership in the Y alone guarantees that, but so does involvement in almost any activity. A great many of the people one meets will be eminently sane and civilized, and they will not display hostility unless goaded. It is not possible for anyone who has any hold on reality to imagine that they are all linked in some nefarious plot to destroy the value of life.

This is not true of the great cities of the West Coast. Partly because of their greater size, but mostly for a number of other reasons, it is possible to set up isolated communities, running to the thousands, which have almost no contact with the outside world. This is particularly true of San Francisco. There is now a gay community so self-sufficient that its members can go to gay grocers, dentists, and lawyers. They can even go to church or die without ever meeting a heterosexual minister, priest, or embalmer. This has been true, to a high degree, of the various other groups that have had their day in San Francisco, including the beatniks and hippies.

It also happened that many of the leading figures in the beatnik movement were Jewish nonconformists from the east who had had a major falling out with their families, their religion, and their whole tradition. Some were old enough to remember the more virulent forms of American anti-Semitism, and, having left, or been thrown out of, their own group, they felt doubly isolated. Add to that the normal hostility of the public to bohemians and a police force trying to enforce the drug laws, and you have good beginnings for a case of alienation.  The crowning  blow, however,  was the fact that many [p.124] of the beatniks hardly saw anyone outside their own community in a social, or even a casual, way. If the outside world is once allowed to appear as a giant monolithic force bent on crushing one's own community, the isolation will prevent one from ever learning otherwise. It is then a short step to attributing unpleasant and threatening characteristics to almost everyone in the outside world.

As bohemians, the beatniks were atypical in this respect. Most bohemians in most places and times have had a good deal of contact with a great variety of people. As one example, the contrast between beatniks and more traditional bohemians is nowhere so marked as with their differing attitudes toward the rich.

Traditional bohemians, because of their involvement in art, are more likely to have some contact with extremely wealthy people than are most members o f the middle classes. Indeed, there is a time-honored stance that bohemians have taken toward the rich, and it combines, in one proportion or another, amusement, contempt, and toleration. Whatever else the bohemian may feel about the rich, he does not generally fear them, nor does he hate them. On the contrary, he very much wants them to be there. Not only do they support the arts, but they give away, or throw away, all manner of objects which the bohemian can put to good use. For example, he does not want a new tuxedo because it symbolizes a kind of life which he thinks is silly. But he is delighted if he can pull a used tuxedo out of a trash can. It now constitutes a wonderful piece of camp , and he can wear it to amuse his friends. The true bohemian looks upon himself as a scavenger. A community in which there are rich people makes for much better pickings than would be found in the alleys and thrift stores of, say, Leningrad or Poznan.

A vivid illustration of this principle once occurred in a discussion between two young women, one a bohemian and the other a committed socialist. The latter was objecting to the fact that some rich people owned a good deal of land adjacent which would be turned over to the school for a much needed playground. For this woman, the very existence of rich people was an affront. She wanted, above all else, to take away their possessions and divide them up among the masses. The young bohemian took the opposite position. In a society where even the poor have TV sets, most of the people already have much more than they need anyway. Their lives would not be improved by the addition of baubles taken from the rich. More important, this woman much preferred to live in a world in which there are beautiful mansions owned by the rich than one in which they [p.125] have been turned into ugly playgrounds for the children of the middle classes. She, like most bohemians, perceived socialists as people who want to eliminate the two interesting classes, the upper and lower, and create a world of unrelieved middle-class boredom.

Like other bohemians, the beatniks saw their main enemies as those middle-class people who build white suburbs with no museums, no concert halls, no interesting cheap restaurants, and no theatres. But they were just unbalanced enough to wonder whether all outsiders, including the rich, were not in league against them. They lost sight of the fact that the rich were also unwelcome in those same suburbs. Moreover, while the beatniks were expert scavengers, they seem not to have felt  the traditional amused superiority toward the people who threw away the objects they collected .

The beatnik attitude toward the rich did not make them political, much less socialist. They wanted wealth even less than the bohemians of the twenties, and the idea of dispossessing the rich never even occurred to them. But there were occasional displays of anger toward the rich. Unlike previous bohemians, they did not have that minimal contact with the wealthy, and did not sell them art. Then, too, they lived in a society in which there was much more pressure to "succeed" and acquire wealth for themselves than was the case, say, in Paris of the nineties. It is harder to be comfortably contemptuous of the rich when one was brought up to believe that only they can be happy. The upshot was that, if one caught a beatnik in one of those occasional bursts of anger, one might have mistaken him for a political person. This was true of Hoskins as well, and it goes some way to explain the "political" aspects of his message on TV.

Before Hoskins set out for San Francisco, he may have had a touch of paranoia, but it was nothing compared to that of the beatniks. However, from hearing him talk about his San Francisco days, it was clear that he had been affected to the point where he had, in some moods, come to think of himself as being in fundamental opposition to society from the top to the bottom.

The beatniks were intellectuals in essence, and were as harmless as most of those in universities. Hoskins, however, was much more a man of action. In San Francisco he met, not only latter-day beatniks, but other men of action. Around the edges of the beatnik and hippie communities were some extremely intense people in the martial arts. Some were Oriental masters, and some were overheated Americans, but they all preferred violence to poetry. The line, however, was fine. In judo, for example, one is supposed to grip the jacket of the other only [p.126] lightly. Some of the best practitioners operate with such speed and delicacy that one would think there was hardly any force involved until one sees the other man hit the m a t so hard that he bounces. Since there is also room for invention and expression, it is easy to think of judo, and the other martial arts, as "true art". This explains the fact that, in San Francisco and elsewhere, there has been a certain amount of contact
between poets, painters, and martial artists. On the other hand, if a similar sensibility is involved, the motivation may be  different. For example, one of Hoskins' workout partners left suddenly to become a mercenary soldier in Africa.

The continued contact with beatnik-hippies who had a distorted view of the outside world and beatnik-oriented mystic martial artists who wanted to kill someone seems to have upset Hoskins' own natural balance to the point where he got ideas which probably would not have occurred to him in Cincinnati. Even then, these terrorist ideas and plans would probably have dissipated when he returned to Cincinnati if they had not become part of his notion of art.

Hoskins' own way of bridging whatever gap there was between the martial arts and the traditional arts involved, among other things, the making of beautiful weapons. Theseincluded many knives, a couple of swords, and a kendo stick. Practice with them amounted to a kind of ballet, but a ballet which was really a rehearsal for something else. Since there was already a continuum ranging from the poetry of the beatniks to the weapon-less martial arts, such as judo, karate, and aikido, it was easy to extend that continuum a bit further to include weapons. Further, even the violent use of weapons could be seen as an art, almost as much as sculpture or poetry. It could be violent art turned against oneself, as in the Japanese ceremony of seppuku, or the elimination of others with maximum grace and economy. By the time Hoskins returned to Cincinnati, he found it possible to practise violent art at the same time that he was producing those delicate collages.

Hoskins was not the only violent artist in history, nor was violence limited to dadaists, German expressionists, and beat artists. Such elements are to be found, not only in what is portrayed in art and literature, but in the motivation of many artists and writers. Joseph Conrad, in an author's note to a collection of stories, remarked that he was considerably abused for publishing "Freya of the Seven Isles" on the ground of its cruelty.

"I remember one letter from a man in America who was quite furiously angry. He told me with curses and imprecations that I had no right to write such an abominable thing which, he [p.127] said, had gratuitously and intolerably harrowed his feelings. It was a very interesting letter to read. Impressive too. I carried it for some days in my pocket."

This sort of thing is not so surprising when one considers that artists have the same agressive instincts as other people. Irritation at the rest of the world is surely part of the essence of life, and an artist has some rather powerful weapons which he can use, generally without even getting into trouble. Conrad, while systematically destroying the characters he had led his readers to identify with, probably chuckled to himself as he imagined the effect he was producing.

Hoskins certainly had his share of aggressive tendencies behind the pleasant facade, and his brief forays into sculpture and poetry were apparently not sufficient to satisfy them. The aura of violence crept into much of his work in a number of media, but, unlike the figure of the fighter, which was intensely realistic, there was also an increasing air of unreality.

While this last is hard to describe, it is helpful to compare it to the unreality of science fiction movies which contain whole worlds full of strange beings exploding violently in brilliant unfamiliar colors. Such visions may prompt the viewer to wonder whether he is really standing on solid ground, and, more basically, whether the little world of earthlings, or anything in it, really makes any important difference in the infinitely larger scheme of things.

There was something else in Hoskins' environment, in Cincinati as well as San Francisco, which reinforced any movement in the direction of unreality. It would be no exaggeration to say that ninety-five per cent of bohemian artists believe in ghosts, astrology, extra-sensory perception, and a good deal else. Of course, such beliefs are almost as wide-spread in the present generation of, say, college youth.

In one instance, two psychology classes were presented with a stage magician who performed tricks of the "mental" sort. In one class he was introduced as someone who believed himself to have special powers. In the second merely as a graduate student and amateur magician who performed standard tricks and wanted to brush up his act. Almost as large a majority of the students in the second class as in the first attributed special powers to the magician, powers he did not even claim for himself. The conclusion seems to be that the fanciful and the supernatural are so much a part of ordinary "experience" for so many young people that they are ready to see such things almost anywhere, regardless of contrary evidence.

There are two important differences in this respect between college students and bohemian artists. For students, such beliefs [p.128] are often part of a fad, and they are frequently given up after graduation. If a young man or woman gets a job with IBM, it is unlikely that the office manager wants to be asked what his birth sign is. On the other hand, bohemians almost never work for IBM. They thus encourage each other in the opposite direction, gaining more layers of belief a s they go along.

The other difference concerns religion. Most college students claim to have a religion and to have a belief in God, no matter how vague it may be. The occult world is then tacked on to some set of religious beliefs without any concern for logical consistency. Still, the exotic beliefs, whether they come from contemporary science fiction or ancient superstition, are held in check by fairly orthodox religious beliefs. These may actually be just as fanciful, but everyone is used to them, and they do not seem as extraordinary.

Bohemians tend to regard religion, and even God, as middle-class creations. One of them, when considering the conversion of a disused church into a studio, quipped,

"Of course, we'll have to de-sanctify it and get in a priest in to chase God out."

It is, for many of them, a short step from there to chasing God out of whole realms of society, and particularly out of art. This having been done, the way is clear for almost any new invention, whether it comes from oriental philosophy, an intense drug experience, or artistic creation.

Hoskins, with his orientation toward science and technology, was much less subject to these influences than most of his friends and acquaintances. Still, no one could have lived in his circle without being acutely conscious of beliefs in the supernatural. This atmosphere probably had some effect on his art, and it is quite possible that his collages contained supernatural symbolism. Apart from all else, it is quite easy to imagine his taking artistic advantage of things that he did not really believe in. Indeed, a bohemian artist who did not share the beliefs of his milieu would have to make some accommodation to them in order to communicate with anyone.

Sometimes the unreality was of a different and less literal kind. Bizarre feelings, moral notions or social practices in unlikely combinations. For example, the grotesque and suicidal dolls combined notions of traditional childhood with kinds of self destructiveness and blackness of soul which most people would hardly expect in children. There is such a thing as juvenile suicide, but the concept that Hoskins produced requires almost as much an abandonment of ordinary common sense attitudes as that required by the notion of inter-galactic travel. [p.129]At least in those who know nothing about disturbed children. Even the idea of capturing time on television sounds a little like the suggestion of one of Conrad's characters in The Secret Agent that one could, by blowing up the Greenwich Observatory, blow up the first meridian, and thereby destroy the faith of the British middle class in science. The fact that Hoskins' scheme actually worked makes it seem less fantastic than it really was. Even then, it was probably more realistic than many of his other ideas.

The last phase of Hoskins' violent art, while partly motivated by attitudes he may have acquired from the beatnicks, was too wild in its content to have been in spired by them. Similarly, with one exception, it was too uninhibited to have come fromthe dadaists or expressionists. That exception is the German dadaist poet, Hugo Ball.

Hoskins really became enthusiastic about the dadaists only after he returned from San Francisco. It was in connection with an interest in architecture sometime in the mid-seventies that he came across Schwitters' concept of a Merzbau, or living space constructed entirely out of found objects artistically integrated. Since the idea of building one's own dwelling out of clutter and junk to suit one's tastes appealed to him greatly, he was led to explore the other ideas of the dadaists, and came eventually to Ball. Although Hoskins was no longer writing poetry by this time, he was still capable of being profoundly affected by it. Towards the end, however, there seems to have been no poet other than Ball who got through to Hoskins strongly enough to make him alter his own course.

On the surface, no one could have been more different. Sickly as a child and adult, Ball grew up kissing the picture of the Sistine Madonna at the foot of his bed, and went through life depending, first on his mother, and then on a wife who took her place. Unfortunately for Ball, his extremely strong religious tendency was paired with an even stronger hatred for that same brand of German Catholicism. He seems to have hated himself for his lack of independence and, not being able to achieve it, put the blame instead on his religion. He characterized it as feminine, and it seemed to Ball to have robbed him of the traditional masculine virtues. Many would not have viewed Catholicism in this way, but Ball's own religious practice was somewhat idiosyncratic. After all, an excessive tendency to kiss the Madonna is not likely to help a boy shoulder his way in amongst the tough kids on the vacant lot. Whatever its origin, Ball's struggle against religion kept him perpetually on the edge of a nervous breakdown until, toward the end of his life, he reconverted to the religion which he had so detested.

Despite all these differences, the thing that connects some of [p.140] Hoskins' art, and a good deal of his thinking, with Ball's sort of dadaism can be illustrated with a typical stanza from the latter's poetry:

This is the time when the Behemoth
raises his nose above the salty tide.
The people jump from burning boats
into green slime, glowing beneath the fire.

In German these rough, powerful, and threatening images are even stronger:

Das ist die Zeit, in der der Behemoth
Die Nase hubt aus den gasalzenen Fluten.
Die Menschen springen von den brennenden Schuten
in grunen Schlamm, den Feuer uberloht.

Whether or not Hoskins actually read this poem, it is the sort of thing that would have appealed to him. For one thing, the images might easily have come from those science-fiction movies he liked so well. For another, the implicitly violent picture of a sea monster about to devour people jumping from
burning boats into a poisonous green slime had just the sort of impact that he so often looked for.

Sometimes Ball went beyond concrete images to achieve that impact. In his long anti-Catholic phase he liked nothing better than to portray the Virgin Mary as a prostitute and, not content with that, he seemed also to attribute to her the seeds of almost every perversion which later arose in Christianity. In describing the birth of Christ, Ball attempts to make every detail both grotesque and ugly. For example, he describes the mother's labor cries as ripping her teeth from her jaws, but, in  return, bringing forth a shower of ill-gotten gold.

Lines and ideas such as these are most likely to occur to an ex-Catholic, but the tone of Ball's work, while repelling a good many people, appealed to Hoskins. He was not put off by either the brutality or the inherent wildness, particularly when he saw that harsh ugly ideas and images were capable of overwhelming the platitudes that most people live with.

Below the surface, there is a considerable similarity between Ball, a largely unknown poet and writer even in his native country, and Hoskins, a similarly obscure artist in Cincinnati. Of course, there are the violent images in the work of each, and the fact of each occasionally being on the brink of suicide. But the most important similarity is the fact that each man conducted a lifelong and ultimately unsuccessful revolt against something that he had been brought up in, and which had [p.131] penetrated deep into his spirit.

Even in his most anti-religious periods, Ball talked in religious terms, and his violence was of a Catholic kind. Hoskins was not affected in that way by any religion, but just as deep in his culture was the idea that man is born to fight. The fighting had to be physical, and it could be conducted with guns, knives, or fists, but, best of all, with guns. Life must therefore be highly competitive, but it is necessary that even the winners ultimately die by gunshot when faced with overwhelming odds.

It may seem odd to compare an attitude such as this, apparently fragmentary and individualistic, with one of the world's major religions. Such an objection would rest on a misunderstanding of both. As regards the religion, Roman Catholics the world over may, in theory, subscribe to the same doctrines. But that is only a small part of the story. The feelings, the derived beliefs, and even the behavior of Roman Catholics all vary greatly from place to place and from time to time. In fact, Ball's German Catholicism was probably quite different from even the Catholicism of German Catholic Cincinnati. Moreover, for all we know, it might have been the kind of thing which would have had a strong effect on Hoskins (or anyone else) if he had encountered it.

On the other side, the particular code of masculinity which eventually helped bring about Hoskins' death looms larger and more widely than many people realize. It is obviously part of life in the southern mountains with their famous feuds, and this kind of ethos has been ably described by Tom Wolfe in his accounts of the race driver Junior Johnson and the (West Virginia) test pilot Chuck Yeager. Moreover, in the way that the very language of Appalachia reflects something much older, so do its customs and its notions of manhood.

One can find ideas of this sort in English literature going right back to Beowulf, but some of the most vivid manifestations are in the Norse sagas, that other great spawning ground for masculine romanticism in both the English and German traditions. While the sagas are full of battles, attention is directed most especially to single combats. Here the accidental factors are minimized. While they are not usually arranged duels in the later European sense, they are almost always
prompted by the need for a man to take revenge in order to preserve his honor. They are, in fact, almost exactly like such feuds as those between the Hatfields and the McCoys, not to mention what goes on now in Cocke County, Tennessee and Harlan County, Kentucky.

As in Appalachia, the cycle of violent death and retribution in the sagas is accompanied by a good deal of earthy humor. A sort of joke which keeps recurring is prompted when one [p.132] warrior cuts off the leg of another with an axe. When the second looks down in shock and disbelief to see his leg missing, the victor laughs loudly and remarks,

"It's as you think. It's off."

Not, perhaps, the sort of humor current in suburban breakfast nooks and recreation areas, but one which Hoskins would have understood

Also familiar to both Ball and Hoskins would be certain recurring images and events. When Skarp-Hedin Njalsson wishes to pick a fight with another man, he suggests that the latter remove from his moustache the hairs from the posterior of the mare with whom he has just been in intimate contact. Again, when he goes sliding across a frozen stream and strikes an enemy in the back of the head with his axe, the blow is described as being so powerful as to knock the victim's teeth out of his jaws onto the ice. This cycle of murder and revenge did take its toll, and, in Iceland, the warriors so decimated each other that most present Icelanders are descended largely from the Scottish and Irish slaves (who were beneath the requirements of honor). This basic pattern of self-destructiveness is also noticeable in certain Appalachian communities.

The place of honor in the sagas tends to go to a special kind of single combat: that where a great hero fights all his enemies singlehandedly, and is eventually killed. The idea seems to be that a hero who fights his enemies only one at a time is never fully tested and extended to the utmost. Death should take place under circumstances which allow him to claim the position of the greatest warrior of his time. The greatest hero of the Icelandic sagas, Gunnar of Hlidarend, is killed in this fashion when the heroine refuses to help him by allowing him to cut off her beautiful hair for a new bow-string. While, so far as is known, Hoskins was not acquainted with the sagas, he clearly had in mind a death comparable to that of Gunnar.

It c a n thus be seen that the traditions to which Ball and Hoskins respectively belonged are comparable with respect to their antiquity, and that the secular one could easily play a role comparable to that of a religion in the minds of its adherents.

In any culture there are some who simply reject such ideas and go happily about their business. At the other extreme are those who internalize the values and beliefs of their culture. Ball probably had relatives such as that in the priesthood, and some of the Hatfields and McCoys undoubtedly died happily with bullets in their brains. The most unfortunate people are those caught half-way between. The ones who strive mightily to achieve the goals they cannot but hate.

[p.133]
No one who knew Hoskins perceived him as upholding the ideology of the southern mountains any more than Ball's friends (over most of his life) would have seen him as a proponent of Catholicism. Hoskins spent the vast majority of his time trying to replace competition with independent parallel development. He made friends by the dozens where an antagonistic man would have made enemies. He tried to avoid challenging and confronting people with as much energy as Ball spent on prostituting the Virgin. He tried to show in every way possible that there is an independent kind of masculinity which consists of individual private accomplishment, and which need not lead to the vanquishing of others.

Such a struggle produces basic conflicts and moments of deep depression. Ball did not attempt to hide them. Hoskins did. The jokes, the friendliness, and the air of intelligent reasonableness were all part of an attempt to put a pleasant face on a quite different, and quite difficult, reality. Only on rare occasions did anything else show through, as in the smashing of furniture and art. When he tried to hide the true meaning of even these episodes, Hoskins probably paid too great a price in order to maintain his emotional independence and avoid confiding in others. It is quite possible that it was Ball's inability to hide these self-doubts that enabled him to hold out many more years before retreating to the faith of his ancestors.

In addition to this life parallel, which was probably accidental, there was also a definite artistic influence of Ball on Hoskins. Ball would often write quite disconnected poetry with some lines and phrases included merely for sound. But, then, there would be exotic images and fantasies. In "The Sun" the poet imagines himself stretched out on the ground with his boots resting on the horizon and his eyes narrowed to distort the world. It then seems to him that the sun, whose "wisps flash vermilion into the world's night", may fall and crush the town and church towers. As the poem continues, the whole is transformed into an artistic happening in which the sun will be  loaded onto a wagon and taken to Caspari's art gallery. A beast-headed negro

"with bulging neck, bladder nose and a long stride
      will hold fifty white
bucking asses like those yoked to wagons at the
      building of pyramids.
A crowd of bloodbright people will clot the
     street: midwives and wetnurses,
invalids in wheel chairs, a stilting crane,
      two female St. Vitus dancers,
a man with a ribbed silk tie and a [p.134]
      red-smelling policeman."
What happens over and over again, with both Ball and Hoskins, is a quick and effortless transition from violent ideas and images to an artistic spectacle with humorous overtones. All this then gives rise to euphoria, a state of mind which makes almost anything possible. Ball's poem ends with the poet remarking that he is full of joy and cannot stop. He wants to make a new sun by striking two together like cymbals, at which point he will fly off with his lady in a violet sedan.

Recently, when I gave this poem to a poet and critic who had never heard of Hugo Ball, he read it through and remarked,

"This man is completely crazy, isn't he?"

The man had no way of knowing how right he was, but his reaction seems indicative of something significant about Ball and his effect on Hoskins. It is not just the fact of Ball imagining himself to be a stretched-out giant with his boots resting on the horizon, or his making a new sun. Many sane poets have permitted themselves flights of fancy such as that. It is something much more subtle, having to do with the way that ideas and images are developed and run together. Something that adds up to the conclusion that the poet is not just developing fancies but is quite possibly describing the world he  sees in literal terms.

It has been argued against people like Ball that they are essentially destructive, and have little to offer in the way of hope. This complaint is an old one, but it has little foundation. Pessimism may happen to be true, and it is nothing against it to point out that it is, indeed, pessimistic. There may be many reasons for pointing out impending catastrophes, even if one has oneself no plan for avoiding them. Quite apart from practical consequences, to reject this sort of thinking because it is depressing is to blind oneself to a good deal that is most valuable in art.

In view of these facts, it is odd that this criticism weighed so heavily on Ball. He reported later that, when he began the dadaist movement by reciting his poetry at the Cafe Voltaire in 1917, he was in such a state of near emotional collapse that he could scarcely continue. Evidently he had such a fervent need to believe the things he had been taught as a child that the nihilistic tendencies he found in himself terified him.

Hoskins, o n the other hand, took naturally to nihilism. All dadaists thought that art is partly a joke. This includes even Ball, as can be seen from some of his "sound poetry." For Ball, however, it was a frightening, and ultimately horrible, joke. [p.135] Hoskins, by the time he encountered dadaism, had already concluded that art was, at best, a good joke, and he was pleased to find others who agreed with him. Then, since there was obviously nothing worth doing beyond art, apart from those abdominal exercises, there really was not much to be lost by devoting one's life to the joke. The fact that a movement in art (or anything else) led nowhere was a sort of recommendation for Hoskins. As we will see in the next chapter, he believed that there was nowhere to go, at least nowhere that anyone would want to be.

[p.136] BLANK
    

Chapter 11
[p.137]

The Final Straw: Norman Spinrad

In addition to his TV interview, Hoskins left another message, more ambiguous and considerably less public, but just as forceful in its own way. After he killed Melanie, he arranged her carefully with her arms folded over her stomach, and he placed a book in her hand. If Hoskins had been a more ordinary sort of terrorist, the book would have been a treatise of a political nature. Indeed, when the police reported only the title, "Agent of Chaos", one might have supposed as much. It is, in fact, a science fiction novel by Norman Spinrad, one of the few authors of fiction Hoskins seems to have read seriously.

When asked, Hoskins would most often say that he did not  read fiction at all. This was something of a puzzle. He may have been self-educated, but he had educated himself in every other direction, including poetry and moies. Moreover, in all  the time he spent at the library, he must have passed by the large collection of fiction on the ground floor thousands of times in search of those beloved facts of his. The implication seemed to be that he did not have time for any fantasies other than his own. It is thus worth asking why he broke his general rule to read Spinrad, and why this particular novel was singled out for this gesture.

Part of the answer lies in certain peculiarities of Spinrad as a writer. Of obvious ability, he can sometimes create believable and rather fascinating characters, and he has written some good books. At other times, he seems not to bother, being content with characters who do not come alive. In any case, his books circulate mostly on news-stands, and even the best ones are hard to find in libraries and bookstores. In addition to working out the technical details which are so much a part of science fiction, Spinrad seems to be much more interested in his own visions of social organization than in individual character. These visions are on such a large scale as to transcend anything that could be called politics. While there are references to various sorts of utopia, not to mention futuristic anti-utopias, Spinrad is neither an enthusiastic dreamer nor a biting satirist. There is an arm's length quality to much of his writing which suggests that he is more interested in these visions themselves than in connecting them with any program of social change. Indeed, it is quite easy to lose track of the real world altogether when reading Spinrad.

 [p.138]
Someone who was more used to fiction might have tired of his writings. However, someone who reads more for ideas, both technological and abstract, than for the excitement of character development might find almost all of Spinrad's work congenial. Apparently it was so with Hoskins. Each book has some entral concept which is both novel and striking, and the feeling of being slightly adrift without even the comfort of recognizable human nature probably would not have bothered that particular reader. After all, some of his own work had that same dizzying quality.

Whatever the motivation, anyone who knew Hoskins well, and later read Spinrad, would realize that Hoskins had read a good many of the former's books, and often referred to them in a veiled way. I can remember, for example, one rather esoteric discussion about the role of premises in logic. It puzzled me atthe time. Then, when he later, in front of Steve, referred humorously to the obscurity of my views on the subject, I really wondered what he was on to. It was not like him to have random interests that were not connected with one of his projects, but he gave no hint of the context for this one. It was only after his death, when I read Spinrad's The Solarians, that I realized that the discussion came right out of a passage in that book.

One idea that runs through a good deal of Spinrad's work concerns the possibility of a society which is, in large part, controlled by computers. In The Solarians thereis a non-human species called the Duglaari who once had an absolute dictator who attempted to give himself a certain sort of immortality. He did this by storing in a huge computer a master program which governed almost every aspect of the life of all citizens, and which reflected only his own values and ideas. Then, in order to enforce this code and make whatever decisions were left over, the machine itself chose from among all candidates, rulers who resembled this first ruler as closely as possible. In addition, all breeding was controlled in order to make everyone conform to the template of the original ruler, and this had the consequence of making all citizens highly mechanistic. Moreover, the largest grouping of humans, who are involved in a losing war of attrition with the Duglaari, find that, in order to compete at all, they have to make themselves as much like the Duglaari as possible.

This idea of a society becoming ever more tightly controlled until everything anyone does conforms to a pre-established program is advanced only as fiction, and pertains to a future world imagined by the author. On the other hand, since it comes up repeatedly in different books, and in different contexts, it is easy to see how it might feed certain sorts of paranoia. A [p.139] modest amount of "paranoia" is normal among normal people in the Washington Park area. They know that they do not have control over a great many things that affect them, and the residents there are as powerless as any in the city. One does not have to be unbalanced in order to wonder what unpleasant surprises the city may have in store for one, and to believe that all the so-called "planning commissions" may well have interests alien to one's own.

An outside observer may see the treatment of the poor, not as a plot, still less a computerized one, but simply as a result of the fact that society is run by affluent people who have no personal concern for the poor. Naturally, they allocate most resources to the projects in which they do have a special interest. On the other hand, many people are quick to attribute their own poor treatment to hostility rather than to neglect. There is more dignity in having enemies than in being too unimportant to be noticed.

If one starts with a healthy suspicion of the more prosperous elements of society, and is then put in a position to watch the poor being gradually pushed out by local government and business acting in concert, it would not be terribly unreasonable to conclude that the society as a whole is becoming ever more tightly organized and controlled. This is the sort of picture Spinrad keeps painting, and it probably had some influence on Hoskins. He certainly did not believe that we are presently all under the control of some great machine, nor did he think that the whole city government was uniformly opposed to the poor. He believed, for example, that his cousin by marriage, a conservative city council member, had a genuine concern for the plight of the poor. Still, he was pessimistic about the long-range future and may have accepted Spinrad's implicit predictions about the next century.

In The Solarians, the Duglaari are neither merciful nor especially merciless when they have conquered a previously human solar system. Efficiency prevails, and they quickly crowd all the humans, whom they consider vermin, into a small reservation. The humans then kill each other off in competition for whatever small amount of food and water there may happen to be. There is here a recognizable analogy to the treatment of the urban poor on the part of the middle class, and Hoskins particularly noted in his interview that the residents of his district were deliberately crowded and set against each other. It is quite possible that he also had the Duglaari in mind.

Another piece of the puzzle consists in Mind Game, released only in August of 1980: This is one of Spinrad's best books, and, since Hoskins soon afterwards began a project of his own which coincided with one in the book, it is fairly safe to assume that [p.140] he read it. He was probably, by that time, looking out for anything by Spinrad, but, as with the other books, he spoke about it only indirectly.

This book is only half fiction and comes close to being an expose of a large and thriving semi-religious cult [*] with branches in all major cities and countries. In the book Spinrad calls it "Transformationalism", and the purpose of this sect is mainly to make money at the expense of ordinary people with weak egos who are enrolled and reduced virtually to voluntary serfdom. There is a heavy reliance on personality tests, pseudo-scientific gadgetry, and adaptations of many sorts of legitimate and illegitimate therapy. There are "life directives" which cannot be disobeyed, and which are backed up with the threat of violence. As in the case of certain actual sects, some people who have really challenged the leadership have even been killed in circumstances so bizarre as to render prosecution ineffective for lack of anything resembling a sane witness.

[* The Scientologists and L. Ron Hubbard, of course--ADT]

The hero of this novel is a small time movie director, Jack Weller, who loses his wife, Annie, to Transformationalism. When she receives a life directive not to communicate with him at all, he goes, first to his lawyer, and then to a "deprogrammer." Since there are no legal remedies, his only option is to join the sect himself in order to find Annie. Once enrolled, he has to convince each echelon in turn that, while he joined for ulterior motives, he is really becoming a true believer. Spinrad here portrays skillfully the battle of a man trying to keep his sanity while holding down a demanding job, spending almost all his free time being barraged by propaganda, and then secretly reporting to his frankly mercenary deprogrammer whom he only half trusts.

The novel culminates when Jack meets the leader. of the cult, John B. Steinhardt, who is a drunken former science fiction writer with a winning cynicism and great overall charm. At that point Jack finds Annie, but also finds that her personality has been "eptified" to the point where he no longer wants her, particularly when it appears that whe will not leave the movement under any circumstances.

The treatment of Annie, a beautiful (but not especially intelligent) young actress, is quite effective. Bored and frustrated with her career, the transformationalists begin by offering her analysis of her problems at bargain rates. Then it is suggested that some of their treatments will help, and they do, in fact, make her feel better. At the next stage, her transformationalist therapist exploits Annie's conficts with her husband and convinces her that she must either get him to join or leave him. When Jack reacts violently she does leave him. By this time, her problems far outdistance the resources she has for dealing [p.141] with them, and she becomes increasingly dependent on the movement. Finally, she discovers that, if she puts all her trust in Transformationalism, she is spared the pain of having to think about her problems at all.

By the time Jack finds John B. Steinhardt and Annie, he is in so much trouble with the movement that he is threatened with death. He leaves under an agreement not to divulge any of his knowledge, and the book ends with Jack refusing an otherwise golden opportunity to direct a movie on a related subject. Transformationalism is depicted as having corporate tentacles in all directions, and Jack thinks the offer to direct the movie may have come as a kind of test to see if he intends to keep his bargain.

In the last months of his life Hoskins became interested in the organization that Mind Game seems to depict. He decided to play a scientific hoax on this sect and wrote claiming that he had invented a perpetual motion machine. The correspondence was soon in high gear, and, whenever Hoskins got a letter, he would laugh uproariously and show it to his friends. If he had lived, he would undoubtedly have carried things much further.

Hoskins' friends were disturbed by this and warned him of the dangers of fooling around with people who, at the least, were capable of being monumental nuisances. In retrospect it seems likely that Hoskins, having read Mind Game, knew more about them than we did, and took them on as a challenge. While, like so many things that he did, it was partly a joke, he put too much time and energy into his frankly bogus perpetual motion machine for it to be just that. Probably he hoped to convince the leaders of at least the local branch of the validity of his project in the hope that they would eventually go public with it and make fools of themselves.

The book pictures the leaders of the sect, with the partial exception of John B. Steinhardt, as bullies and victimizers of the first order. Perhaps Hoskins felt a little as he had in the Marines, and wanted to show a few people what it is like to be victims of a hoax. Moreover, even though Hoskins seemed the
last kind of person to confuse fiction with reality, he may at times have felt as if he were going to avenge Jack and Annie.

Yet another of Spinrad's books that dovetails with aspects of Hoskins' life is Bug Jack Barron. The protagonist of this book, which is set in the relatively near future, is host of a talk show in which the callers tell him what "bugs" them. If the host, Jack Barron, is then bugged, he gets the public figure responsible on the videophone and conducts a three way live roundabout right on the television program.

Barron is a master of TV technique, and has the advantage, [p.142] not only of his quick wits, but of the ability to make the image of his opponent on the screen become smaller and grayer without warning. He can also lower the opponent's voice or cut it off altogether. Barron has thus become a powerful figure who can publicly cut politicians and captains of industry to pieces, and he has an audience of a hundred million.

None of the characters in Spinrad's books seem, on the surface, to be very much like Hoskins, and, in the case of The Solarians and Mind Game, he seems to have been influenced more by the general view of the world than by any particular character. In the case of Bug Jack Barron there may be a more personal influence. And that influence may have existed despite the fact that Jack Barron has an entirely different style from that of Hoskins.

Barron is enormously ambitious, is almost humorless, and has a basic disc-jockey show-biz personality. No one would have described Hoskins in any of those ways, but these differences nevertheless pertain more to style than to substance, and they should not be allowed to obscure some basic similarities.

First, then, consider ambition. The person who, like Barron, lets everyone see his naked need to succeed does not necessarily have a greater need than someone who hides it and lets it ultimately come out only in strange or perverted ways. In addition to what is ordinarily called ambition there is clearly an inhibitory factor, and there is no reason to think that it is constant, always letting the same proportion of the iceberg show above water. In Hoskins' case there is some reason to think that the hidden component was considerable. Over the last ten years there have been a number of incidents in Cincinnati in which art exhibitions have been disrupted. Whether or not Hoskins had anything to do with those disruptions, he did talk about such things with some of his friends. This is the sort of thing one would expect from frustrated ambition. The artist who sees that work inferior to his own is accepted where his would be rejected will, if he has any ambition at all, feel bitterly. If he is a man of action, he may be inclined to try to do something to rectify the situation, even if the act is little more than symbolic.

Closely related t o Barron's ambition is his exhibitionism. It is not enough for him to gain secret power, but he must have fame and attention as well. A tendency to exhibitionism is also a quality which i s widely distributed, and, paradoxically enough, it can b e hidden for a suprisingly long time, as in Hoskins' case. Still, no one who ended as he did could have lacked that quality, and his need may even have approached Barron's. What is strikingly different about Barron is merely that he makes no more pretensions to modesty than to humility. [p.143] To continue our comparison of a fictional character with a real one, anyone meeting them would have been struck by the fact that Hoskins had much better manners. Where Barron insults people as a matter of course and runs roughshod over all sorts of feelings, Hoskins smiled, often talked guardedly, and displayed considerable sensitivity. This may reveal, not so much a difference in attitude toward others, but a difference in style attributable, i n no s m a l l part, to the difference between Tennessee and New York City.

Even more striking is the fact that, while humor accompanied Hoskins right to his death, Barron seems almost entirely without a sense of fun. For many people, the charge of humorlessness amounts almost to the worst condemnation possible. On the positive side, it is often believed that a humorous "good-natured" person is bound to have a whole range of other virtues. For example, i t was probably because of that trait that many believed that Hoskins would be incapable of violence. What emerges is that humor, like good manners, is part of a style with which one does things, but may not have much connection with the things one decides to do. Again like good manners, it is an extremely effective style. A person of humor and charm can get away with actions that a crude humorless person would not even dare contemplate. Our culture, by attaching the wrong kind of importance to style, tends to blind us to the more dangerous features that linked Barron and Hoskins.

After abstracting from superficial qualities, one can see that Barron is very nearly the embodiment of one of Hoskins' most persistent fantasies. Not only is he the defender of any underdog who can get through to him, but it is hard to imagine any more potent threat to the kinds of big league bullies who were almost entirely out of Hoskins' reach. When Barron, with his hundred million viewers behind him, calls an elected official or corporate head, the victim does not dare to be "unavailable." Then, when he does get on the videophone, he finds himself on Barron's turf, playing under Barron's rules, and without any preparation for the unpleasant surprises Barron will spring on him. Hoskins must have realized that, fictional though they were, these techniques were light years ahead of beating up bullies physically.

It may have been no accident that the closing episode of Bug Jack Barron parallels part of the closing episode o f Hoskins' life. In the course of his activity Barron becomes implicated in a murder which h e did not directly intend, but for which he justly feels partly responsible. This leads to the suicide of his woman friend, and he confesses everything on his television show. Like Hoskins, he also takes that opportunity to make a social statement. It would be too much to say that Hoskins did [p.144] these things because Barron did them. Better to say that both men shared a number of attitudes, that they lived in a potentially violent atmosphere, and that neither was exactly a shrinking violet.

There is also a more important and less speculative connection between Barron and Hoskins. In the book, Barron comes  increasingly to think that people in politics, and public life generally, are power-junkies who need to increase their power in the same way that an addict needs an ever increasing supply of heroin. All these people have lost sight of whatever social concerns may have originally moved them. For that matter, Barron believes that even youthful revolutionaries are likely to
be more strongly motivated by that same desire for power, and by hate for their elders, than by love for the oppressed. While Barron is labelled as a cop-out by his erstwhile friends in politics, he claims that their motivation is no better. He, at least, does not delude himself.

These views are held by many people, and Hoskins probably had such a position long before he read the book. It may, in fact, have been one of the things that endeared Spinrad to him. However, Spinrad then goes a step further. Barron, because of his immense popularity, is offered a presidential nomination by a coalition of major parties. He is about to refuse on the ground that he already has more influence than he would as president, but accepts only because he thinks that he can use a presidential campaign to enhance even further his position in show business. The book ends with him on the point of winning the election, but also intending to resign immediately afterwards.

The idea that a talk show host can use the presidency only to increase still further his audience count might easily have had an impact on Hoskins. It might have convinced him that, if he could do only one thing, t h a t thing had best involve television. Unlike Jack Barron, Hoskins did not have an established position in television, but that did not prevent him from capturing one for a few hours.

We come now to Agent of Chaos. This book, set at least three hundred years into the future, has space ships and the standard trappings of science fiction. It also comes as close to being a political novel as any Spinrad seems to have written, although, even here, what is championed is really a kind of anti-politics. In one way, it is an odd book to single out from Spinrad's other works, since it is far from being his best. Some of the leading characters are rather thin, and none are as lively and vivid as John B. Steinhardt or Jack Barron. However, Hoskins' selection of this book does tend to reinforce his almost-true claim that he did not read fiction. Even when he did, he was most interested in ideas which need not have been [p.145] set in a fictional context ar all.

The most interesting character in the book is one who appears only in quotations from his writings. Gregor Markowitz is presented as a twentieth century social scientist, but he and his books are actually the invention of Spinrad. In his Theory of Social Entropy Markowitz claims that there is such a thing as social entropy corresponding to the physical laws of entropy, according to which particles of matter tend to scatter randomly. In the way in which it takes physical energy to keep order in a system of particles, it takes social energy to keep humans together, and to coordinate their actions with one another. Thus, any sort of organized society is in itself unnatural, and will ultimately be wiped out by the tendency to increased social entropy. That is, the forces of chaos. Like many contemporary Marxists, Markowitz thinks that it is not enough to be on the side which must ultimately win, but that one must help inevitability along with one's own efforts. It is, as the old saw has it, like riding up an escalator. You will get there anyway, but you can get there faster if you walk up.

Unlike almost all other political and social theorists, Markowitz claims no other benefits for his utopia. Chaos does not provide an adequate food supply, democratic institutions, or even human life. It has only its own grandeur to rcommend it. It is best illustrated when one looks outside at night and sees only stars scattered in infinite space.

The plot of the novel is designed mainly to illustrate Markowitz' theories, and to provide a certain amount of suspense along the way. The world is pictured as having a unified government, called the Hegemony, with a central council composed of people of many different former nationalities. While there is competition for the top spot, that of Hegemonic Coordinator, this body has enough unity to keep peace, and to reduce the majority of the citizens, called Wards, to a state of sheep-like obedience. The other class consists of the Guardians, a kind of super police force, each member of which has been trained to be extremely suspicious and trigger happy. Not only is any deviant behavior on the part of the citizenry snuffed out before it can get fairly under way, but the Guardians are so suspicious of one another that it is impossible for anyone to unify enough of them long enough to mount any coup against the government.

Despite this near total control of the society by the government, there are two small groups in secret opposition who can make a nuisance of themselves at times. One is the Democratic League, a band of left-over liberals who have their headquarters in the disused subway tunnels of New York City. This group seems meant to represent the distilled common essence of every present political group that sets itself up in opposition to [p.146] totalitarian rule, and Spinrad uses virtually every technique available to the novelist to make it appear ridiculous. One of its leading lights, for example, has spent so many years underground in the darkened subways that, like a mole, he is blinded by sunlight, and can only scrabble around underground. The leader of the League, Boris Johnson, can function in sunlight, but has something of the mentality of a mole. Hopelessly and naively brave, he doggedly attempts to assassinate government leaders, but is always foiled at the last moment. This is because his right hand man is actually an agent of another group who gives away each plot before it can be consummated. None of this arouses Johnson's suspicions, and his shock when the agent finally reveals himself is complete. The Democratic League is led to its final absurdity when it is revealed that none of the leaders have any idea what they are fighting for, or even what meaning they attach to the word "democracy." It turns out that all such concepts have been lost, and that Johnson and his colleagues have only a vague idea that they do not like living under the Hegemony.

The main weakness of the novel, as art, consists in the fact that Boris Johnson lacks any credible motivation. Still, the message is clear. Politicians of the right are power-hungry authoritarians, while all the others are hopeless incompetents who will only make matters worse. The only real hope consists in some third force which is entirely apolitical in its nature, its goals, and its methods of operation. This is Markowitz' Force of Chaos, and all the best parts of the novel pertain to it.

While Hoskins did not speak in this idiom, he, like Markowitz, thought that political opposition was, at best, a waste of time, and, at worst, a force which would impose an order just as bad as the existing one. This view is often confused with Marxism, and political radicalism generally, since it has become a hallmark of the radical to distrust the liberal even more than the conservative. However, the radical then goes on to advocate something which would be another political party were it not for the fact that it has no hope of winning elections. Hoskins thought that radicalism was even more hopeless than liberalism because it had the sympathy of such a tiny slice of the  population. Further, he thought that any sort of violence in the name o f radicalism would simply antagonize the public still more. This view was amply demonstrated one night when he met two radical young women who were distributing literature outside a punk rock night club that he occasionally visited. One woman he considered absurd and dangerously out of touch with reality. The other attracted him as a person, and he invited her to dinner. Melanie was away at the time, and, whatever happened, he regarded the woman's Maoist outlook as the chief [p.147] drawback in an otherwise humorous and interesting personality. He did not see her again, partly because he was afraid that the police might have her under surveillance, but probably more because he did not want to be involved with anything like Boris Johnson's group of starry-eyed bumblers, whether they called themselves liberals or radicals.

The third force in the world portrayed in Agent of Chaos is not a political group which has moved a bit to the left of liberalism, but is the Brotherhood of Assassins. Their main aim is to destroy order, whether of government or of organized opposition, and to introduce as much randomness as possible into human affairs. In this way they seek to increase Markowitz' social entropy and thus work toward complete chaos. According to the history provided, the Brotherhood evolved in some vague way from the religions that had formerly existed. In the course of this evolution God got dropped, to be replaced with a scientific concept of entropy and chaos, presumably under the influence of Markowitz. However, something of the emotional quality of the old religions remained and was found useful since actions determined by impulse proved less predictable than those based on reason. Thus, according to Markowitz, human emotion is a Random Factor, and decisions based on it are closer to being arbitrary.

After the Hegemony was established, the Brotherhood assassinated three out of the first seven Hegemonic Coordinators and planted a fusion bomb which destroyed Port Gagarin. Afterwards, they saved one extraterrestrial colony when its dome was holed by a meteor, but then turned around and blew open another dome, killing everyone in the colony for no reason that anyone could credit.

This doctrine was obviously attractive to Hoskins. He had stored up a large amount of anger toward all kinds of bullies, and he had come to believe that they dominated society as a whole. Markowitz and the Brotherhood of Assassins offered him   an outlet, particularly when he was in a mood like that in which he must have been when he wrote of undertaking a guerilla war against mankind in general. Since he was too much of an individualist to join any kind of group, regardless of whether they wanted to distribute leaflets or toss bombs, any ordinary kind of terrorism was ruled out. On the other hand, one man, acting alone, could create a considerable amount of chaos.
 
In addition to these attractions, the philosophy of chaos had an aesthetic appeal. If one were to write a script for a play or organize a happening around left-wing politics, or even revolutionary activity of the ordinary kind, one would be fighting anuphill battle against boredom. The themes are too familiar and have been played out in all their variations too many times. But [p.148] the idea of simply producing chaos for its own sake, while not new with Spinrad, has at least a certain freshness. Spinrad would have succeeded in producing a first-class work of art in Agent of Chaos if he had paid as much attention to character development as he did in Mind Game or Bug Jack Barron. As it is, he left something to be done, a vacuum which w a s filled by another sort of artist - one who did not share Boris Johnson's lack of personality, and one who was in search of a fitting climax.

How much of this Hoskins got from Spinrad and how much he already had is now impossible to say. Generally, people are most influenced by books which mirror the thoughts they already have, but which take them a bit further, or give them some new twist. There are several ways in which this could have happened in the present case, probably in connection with two additional ideas which Markowitz develops.

The first is a paradox within ordered societies. Since it takes social energy to hold a social system together against the pull of social entropy, that energy must be systematically produced. But the only way of producing it is to order the society more tightly in order to put to use more of its resources in the most efficient way. However, the upshot is then a still more ordered society which requires yet more energy to hold it together. So it must be ordered yet more highly to produce the energy, and so on ad infinitum.

The First Agent of the Brotherhood of Assassins, Robert Ching, is a follower of Markowitz, but he is bothered by the following problem. If the time left for the existence of man is finite, the self-destruction of an ordered society cannot be assured. It may be able to order itself so tightly as to defy the forces of entropy right to the end. That is, the death of the Sun might be what brings about the death of the Hegemony, with the result that Chaos, while remaining supreme on the macroscopic level, would never prevail in the sense of producing a chaotic human society. Ching is eventually reassured by the imminent development of a true space ship which can take humans to other solar systems, with the result that humanity can be prolonged indefinitely, and will eventually reach Chaos.

Hoskins was probably intrigued by this sort of reasoning, and, even though he did not confront the infinite in quite the way that Robert Ching did, there was an analogue at home. If one had to say which elements in Cincinnati represented chaos, as opposed to order, one could hardly fail to nominate Washington Park with its winos and thugs. It was exactly this sort of disorder that Hoskins seemed to enjoy and revel in, even if, in his personal habits, he was orderly in some ways. Thus, it is the message he left with Melanie, rather than the videotaped one, [p.149] that really makes sense in terms of his known outlook. What he must have feared was, not that life in Washington Park would continue as it was, with all its abuses, but that it would be radically changed. In the TV message he seemed to be demanding change, but, really, that must have been the last thing he wanted. Granted, he was opposed to the redevelopment and "gentrification" of the neighborhood, the demolition of buildings, and the moves to get the winos off the streets. But that may not have been a conventional humanitarian concern. It may have been simply because, In Spinrad's terms, these were all moves to replace Chaos with Order.

Why, then the television message? First, people seldom state their real complaint, particularly under conditions of stress. For example, businesses and other organizations often fire their employees because co-workers and superiors find it impossible to get along with them. But, however good a reason this may be, it is seldom felt to be adequate. Thus, they wait for a pretext, at which time some broken rule can be used as a reason. It matters not that others, who are liked, can break that same rule with impunity. The more general principle here is that, when organizations or individuals set out to do something which will generate flak, they are likely to attempt to "dress up" their real motivation in such a way that it will be more compelling to more people. Sometimes they do this convincingly, and sometimes only in a way that seems arbitrary (and worse than the real motivation).

In Hoskins' case something similar may have been operating. He could not have gone on TV and said that the quality of his life was being threatened because the establishment was working to move out all the crazy colorful people he loved to live among and replace them with young professionals whom he would find dull. No one would have taken him seriously. So he found two ways in which to code that message. One was in social terms, and it had an extraordinary effect. No matter that it made his friends look at each other in wonder. The other ending, which must have been much closer to home, was that copy of Agent of Chaos in Melanie's hands. This was too weird for a mass audience, and it was reserved for those who would This probably was not quite it either, but Hoskins as an Agent of Chaos seems much better, at least if one allows the agent a little smile.

Then there is, in the book, something that may have been the very last straw. The Brotherhood of Assassins has its secret base on an asteroid, and is building the first true space ship which is capable of voyages to other solar systems. However, just before the ship is ready to take off, the base is discovered [p.150] by an air fleet of the Hegemony, which threatens to destroy both the Brotherhood and the space ship. At this point, Robert Ching devises a ruse to get the enemy fleet to land. The spaceship takes off from its hidden silo, and, before the Hegemonic ships can give chase, Robert Ching blows up the whole asteroid. He thus destroys himself, the members of the Brotherhood not on the space ship, and the enemy fleet.

Thus far, we have nothing more than an ordinary ending for a science fiction novel, but these events are again tied into the philosophy of Markowitz. Apart from his extension of the theory of entropy, Markowitz is modelled after those philosophers in the tradition of Hegel who have a love of paradox. A commitment to paradox need not involve a rejection of rational thinking, but, if, like Markowitz, one is mainly interested in being unpredictable, one will avoid rational action. Hence, wherever possible, Markowitz recommends that we act, not only emotionally, but on the basis of maxims that are paradoxical or involve inverted or perverted reasoning. For example, he points out that man normally tries to prolong life and, at the same time, make use of that prolongation of life to reach certain other goals. As he puts it, "man shrinks from death and strives for Victory." However, if one's goals can be reached by suicide rather than life, then one can both have one's victory and act contrary to one of the primary laws of "nature."

According to Markowitz, this so-called "natural state of man" is not really natural. Indeed, chaos will eventually wipe out that state. It is thus claimed that suicide is actually more in accordance with the basic principles of the universe than the temporary aberration known as human nature. If,then, suicide is inherently more chaotic than continued life, a suicide which has large-scale chaotic consequences is thus what Markowitz counts as the Ultimate Chaotic Act. Robert Ching achieves such an act in a kind of atheistic religious ecstasy.

There are obvious parallels between Hoskins' last actions and Markowitz' notion of an Ultimate Chaotic Act. We have seen, for example, that his death was a kind of suicide, but, like Robert Ching's, one that was meant to have as much effect as possible. It was meant to disrupt the routine of a TV station, and the interview, whatever other purpose it may have had, was intended to shake up as many people as possible and divert them from their normal thoughts and activities. In this it may have been more successful than Hoskins could have known, and the very unpredictability of his act contributed to its chaotic character. Finally, however much planning may have gone into the takeover of the station, the prior events of that night seem to have occurred in a frenzy. Indeed, since the Brotherhood of Assassins kills more or less randomly, this is the only framework [p.151] under which the killing of Melanie would have made any sense whatever.

There are two things that do not quite fit. One is that Markowitz seems to have had no particular views about art in general, or in what might be called happenings. It is likely that, if Hoskins took Markowitz seriously, he followed his system, not just as philosophy, but because it could be made a component of an artistic process and lend it depth. Philosophical or religious claims can be incorporated into works of art in many ways, and may enhance the value of the art even if no one concerned accepts them. Among all the great artists who painted Christian subjects for hundreds of years, there were some agnostics and downright unbelievers. There are also many people who respond aesthetically to those paintings, who have no religious inclination toward Christianity. In a similar way, Hoskins could have thought that Markowitz' theories were interesting, and worth building a happening around, without accepting them as unqualified truth.

This possibility suggests another. That, in what might have been an impromptu gesture, Hoskins picked up a book which, not only meant a good deal t o him in one way or another, but which allowed him to put something he had not previously intended into his performance. It may sound rather strange to suggest that someone would actually play a joke after having killed the person closest to him, and in full expectation of his own imminent death. But to rule that possibility out would be to deny a well-established fact. People die as they have lived. A man who could never resist a humorous touch, however black the humor, would not suddenly change when approaching death. It has been suggested above that, as far as assessing personality goes, humorousness pertains more to style than to substance, and is not one of the most basic variables. Still, we should not otherwise deny it its due. Not only can it be an important element in art, but, even in personality, it has a way of persistently following certain people. Besides which, Hoskins had as much of the night as he wanted after he killed Melanie, and he may have gone though many moods.

Hoskins might have wanted people to think that he was acting on the instructions of a science fiction philosopher who would strike them as being utterly mad. It could have been a perfect put-on, and to the extent that he was in anything like his usual state of mind, he might have been considerably pleased as he imagined some highly respectable people grappling with the views of Gregor Markowitz.

Among academic philosophers, humor is about as welcome as the Black Death . It iS, in fact, a favorite weapon. If one philosopher at a professional meeting can manage to make the [p.152] views of another appear so ridiculous as t o draw a laugh from the audience, he can hardly fail to win the contest. The loser, while trying to appear to be a good enough sport to find humor at his own expense, will scan that same audience in the fervent hope that no influential colleagues are present to witness his humiliation. It is thus almost inconceivable to such people that a touch of humorous absurdity could be something one might want in one's philosophy. Even if it could be used for artistic purposes.

Hoskins was not an academic philosopher. Moreover, since he valued humor in art, there is no reason t o think that he valued it less when he combined philosophy with art. The idea that what society really needs is to be dispersed a s rapidly and widely as possible through random action could have appealed deeply to a man whose humor was always more pointed when matters struck close to home. We are thus left with what was not only Markowitz' Ultimate Chaotic Act, but may also have been Hoskins' Ultimate Chaotic Joke.